Charter Oak, 1848-07-27

              P U B L I S H E D BY
W I L L I A M H. B U U L E I G H,
• r o tT U A T S t C k E E T , H i o n r o E D , o o n r . j
T C R l f S.
Twu i ; a i . i . « « s r s B AKHUH—from w^iich F i f ty
t V i i t s » i ! i lie deducted if paid s t n c i l y in ndruice.
l'«-o Hollars to Cify S'lbacriJiei*. who m-etve the
»"«|i<-r the Carriei.
SiiijiK- cotiiek. F o r « C b k t * . j!
Nil ilifrerence » i i ! ! " l > r paid u^ion F.icnmncni. U « i l y •
«• ^U-Mj. !|
No |1'-,«T ihsi-ontiniiDi ni. hII i i r i r a n i ^ nie paid.
III l l i r oii'vmcif tin- PiiMislirr.
!.<'tton« snr. <"mtimri<Mtii>i>!i imisi I*
I til tlif I'u'-IiHhvr. 117 /'"«/ f'*"i j
'Tjioiii'.iMttK « i l l (-c iii;i< il 'o llM'irj;
ouit si'ii tiimtN (l!.>wfii': wt'it .l il:*Tfriiii.' Imm nur-^);
n:-..ii ti,.-ii <i«ii rc-;"':i»ih:lity—imi tlu sr i-..,ii(i;ioi;x,I;
li.:! !U y iml.icv !i<-:;ltfr lU-ri-m-v, |!<>o.l Kii2li>h. m>rj|
fiKi>i l.iMe. .111.1 !;in' iJirir iiHim-K In tiip PuMiylicr. •
"•|ii» »<• i-.-q-ijre for our j » n satisfacliwii—n<i> j'
V»i liir piil'lir. I
• f S . "
r„
T C U M S O K . v n V K U T I S l I C ; ?.
AoriiltTlKlLUKNTli «lll l»* ' ist rtcil at ;h« fllllim-
BC rules :
For oiH- Bpiafe, or !iiie.<i, thnie Keek«, $1 00
" C.otitiiiUHiicr eacli iiiswnum, iW
" Ten liiiCK « r ha'f tii|Uarr, three weei.«, 63
•* Cuntiuuaiiue earji iiiseitioii. It)
f One »iiiare • year, - 10 00
" Or «|uare a year with privilege of
cfauiging once in three weeks. 12 00
AN AKTI-SLAVEH
' Nl^AV SERIES.
For U>e Charter Oak. ;
FREEDOMS' CALL. !
Ab! there should be no tones, save those of glad- I
ness, I
In this blest Paradise which God hatli given; !
Ko souud that's bleuded with one breath of sad- j
nes'i, j
Should e'er asceud to yonder azure heaven. I
But, many a bitter wail of gtief, is swelling
From fragraut isles, amid the deep, blue seas;
And notes of agoc}* 'beyotid a telling,'
From human hearts are wafted on the breeze. i
Freeman, arouee ' and break the galling fetter, |
Stretch forth tliy arm, ihy fellow iDau to save;
Oue UoU huth made us all: thou art uo betier j
Than he, the oppressed, the overburdened slave. ;
Oue blessed boon, a glorious God baih given,
To every mortal iu this world below; j
Yet man agsiiust his brother man hath s:riven, !
And cru^hed him down, to misery and woe.
!
And 'ueath the darker hue, rich gems are gleaming, |
T.iat e en the chains of bondage, ne'er huth j
broke— !
And noble souls, with heaven's gifts arc teeming, ^
That now, are subject to the white man's yoke.
Ti'irn roufc ibytc'f, 'tis time that thou wer't wakuig; j
Doit thou not hear, thj- brother's earnest calli* !
And pause not in thy glorious undertaking,
'Till the bright sun of freedom shines on all. ,
G1:MB0£ FOKEST.
Hartford, July l.VA, 1(546 ' j
UNION AGAINST SLAVERY EXTEN- ;
S I G N .
A late number of tbe National Era contains ,
iin able reply from tlie pen of Dr. Dalley, to
the Address of the Committee of tbe A. and
F. Anti-Slavery Society, publiahed in our pa- ,
per two weeks ago. Our own views of tbe
duty of Liberty men in this crisis, so nearly
concur with those of tbe Era, that we are
glad that we can fortify the position which we
have taken, by a reference to so able a writer j
as the editor of the Era. The following ex- i
tracts we commend to the attention of the op-ponents
of Slavery-Extension, whatever naiue
they may bear:
The object of tbe Liberty Party being
the divorce of the Government from Slav-ery,
which includes of course, the sup- '
presfsion of the evil where it exists by
General authority, and its prevention
here it is sought to be established in
Federal Territory, it follows, that in con-centrating
for a sea&on its labors for the
last-iiam^ purpose, so far from losing
sight of its great object, it is attending
Btrictly to it. • • » • •
Ti»e que&tiou now is, cmcerning the
expediency, mode and terms of such a ;
union. j
What is the imminent danger that {
threatens us? Tbeannexation of Louisiana, j
Florida and Texas, has g ven an almost i
irresistible momen'nm to the Slave Pow- j
er in this country. We open Ujion a new ;
volume iu our history. Slav< ry existe i i
in tl;e countries named, and it was claim- j
e«l, with some Uiow of decency, thai it j
was not proper to disturb the existing
state of tliinos. Let it alone, was ilie
«n'y demand. But the negotiations with
Great Britain and ihe war with Mexico,
have resulted in the acquisition of territo-ly
larger than that which constituted the
area of the original States of this Union
—territory out of which we may ex]>eci
to see no less than twenty S ates erec^,
composing near liall' our territorv, and
constitutii g tbe final home of Civiliza-tion,
after its circuit from Eastern Asia,
westwardly round the wor d. What now
is the demHnd? That the immense, mag-nificent
territory should be thrown open
by the Federal Government to the blast-ing,
manifold curses of Etemid Slavery.
Yie d to this demand, and the national
sanction, with an emphasis and promi-nence
never before given, is bestowed on
the system of chattel-slaveiy. The pow-er
of the slaveholding caste at <.nce be-coiies
ungovernable. Of »'la»'ery, the
growth will be steady, indefinite, enor-mous.
There may be decline in parts of
the Northern slave Sta;eg. but this wi.l be
. effected only by the transfer of its vic-tims
to tlie ^uthwest, and the continual
expansion of the Monster Iniquity there.
R^-ject thi? demand, and the sejJ of Na-tional
Reprobation is stamped upon the
entire system. The power and pride of
the slaveholding caste are broken; and all
through the slaveh" Iding States, the pub-lic
mind will begirt to move for their re-lief
from the oppressive burden of thrift-less,
unpaid labor. The question is,
Shalt the demand be coirpHed xcilh or re-jected
? This is a question of transcendent
importance, immediate interest—a ques-tion
in which North aiid South, Free and
Bond, Liberty men, Whigs and Demo-crats,
the Life that now teemit on onr At-lantif-
slope and from the Alieghanies to
the Mississippi, as we'l as tlK life that
shall swarm hereafter beyond ihe Missis-sippi,
and stUI further, on the illimitable
shores of the Pacific, are all eleeply, vital-ly
interested. It is a question to be de-cided
by the votes of the people of this
ooontry, two-thirds of whom live in the
free States, thtee^ourhs of whom are
noQ s^avehdders, the interests of all of
wliam 4epend upon its decision in favor ;
of Hmnani^, Justiee and Freedom.
W f a t ^ w e see? What preparations
have <be itieads of freedom made for giv-ing
tbe aosfrer to this great question,
which Gad and booMUiity require? They
have been betrayed by tbe old party or-ganizations,
which have set up candidates
for the highe»t office in the nation, pledg-ed
openly, or by their prindples and posi-tion,
to unlock this new, vast empire to
Slavery. The n-sult, as might have been
expect!^, is. dissatisfactioa, ^ism. Mul-titudes
of right-minded men, spuming par-ty
thraldom, and bent alone, on settling
this Grand Question agunst Oppression,
are proposing a union of all voters, with-out
distinciiou of Party, on tliis one issue,
for this one canvass; and to Liberty men,
to Abolitionists, who, long since convinc-ed
of the obducate servility of their Par-ties,
abandoned them that they might strike
the more efficiently for Fre^om, the ap-peal
is specially m^e. Their help, their
countenance, their sympathies, their coun-sels,
are peculiarly needed, earnestly en-treated.
W^hat answer does the Committee (above
named) mike to this? No^we will have
no union with you, unless you come clear
over to us, take all our principles, adopt
all our measures, and endorse our candi-dates
! What b our reply ? Yes—we will
unite with you, on equal terms, if you Tiill
agree to such a platftum of principles, that
union shall not invoke us in the denial of
what we hold to be sacred truth. On the
one question now before the country, we
can unite with you, and we will do it if
you do not make terms of union which
>hall compromise any of our vital princi-ples.
All these we shall not rei^uire you
to embrace; neither must you require us
to forswear, compromise, or abandon them.
We say, then, such a union is expe-dient,
and the terms of it we have indicat-ed
in a veiy general way.
To be more spedfic. We must remem-ber
what is due JOHN P. HALE. He has
been true to us, and to tbe country: WE
must be true to him. If an act of declin-ation
should seem necessary, temporary or
permanent, before the Convention at Buf-falo,
as an act of grace, so that its proceed-ings
might be without restnunt, or, after
the Convention, because its proceedings
had resulted in the selection of a true
man, calculated to bring atwot a more
pei feet union between the friends of free-dom,
that act must be spontaneous on tbe
part of our candidate, the dictate of his
own unb assed judgment. Having forced
a position upon him, honor requires us to
stand by him, until he shall voluntarily
withdraw from it. If he should see proper,
for the sake of removing every hindrance
to a general union, to send in to the Na-tional
Liberty Commiite a letter of declin-a
ion. sound jx) icy would require that it
would be conditional, subject to the deci-sion
of a del^ated Convention of the Par-ty
that nominated him. That Committee
would have no right to accept or reject, but
we presume, it would feel bound to call
such a Convention of the party. The
meeting might be appointed in Buffalo, at
a date two days later than the Ume for the
meeting of the Mass Convention of the
Friends of Free Territory. This would
afford an opportunity for the Liberty men
to attend the latter Convention, and their
|)o.sitiou would be one of entire safety—
fur. in thdr own Convention, having the
proceedings of the Mass Meeting before
them, they could decide intelligently in
view of the principles avowed, and the
candidates selected, whether to accept or
refuse Mr. Hale^s declination—^if, what is
i.ot imiirobable, Mr. Hale were not him-self
the very candidate selected.
But, he might deem it advisable to post-pone
action untill after the Convention at
Buffalo, letting it be distinctly understood
that he would not stand in the way of
union, should its proceedings be such as
were demanded by the crisis. » • • •
EXTRAORDI.MARY OMISSION.
We have hitherto neglected to give to
our readers the pungent and poweifulres-nluti<
«ns passed by tbe Philadelphia Whig
Convent ion, previous to its adjournment.
They aie to the point; and while they
may be regarded as the Whig platform in
the coming campaign, present at a glance
HII Ihe opinions of General TAYLOR upon
nil mooted points of national policy.—
They are as follows:
We hope that tbeae sterling opinions
will have full weight with tbe public. In
supporting Old ZACK, we know exactly
what line of policy, in case of his elec-tion,
will be carried out iu tbe ndtninis.
tration of the government.—/oAfi Don-
The Taylor papers are doing all tbey
can !• prove lb* old General one of the
greatest l i a r s in the country. He has de-clared,
over and over, that he will not
carry out the potiry of any party, nor be
the expoaeat of their principles, but those
papers are attempting to prove that he
AMILY KEWSPAPER.
HARTFORD, CONN., THURSDAY, JULY 27, 1848.
P K U l G I P L C S — P U m r O f B t ,
- The CBASTO
ia| the CuaTn ov in'Man-ftwi tha parip
tir Tyniay. It ia • Wim Vafm, eaT'tliwiiftrii a
dkunwi far a R h a W a iriM it wdd aay. ii
AFILAAYAM^R. I^K.
liaweTer hmbr aaA doM^nddw, aaA tbMw Mboha
inlo the hm of all wnng;, »4!idMi ia foiph aw*
bniadclolh, oir ia aad aqoalor. ' Tat, thaach il
amites the na, it wiD aot hate the ^BMT. It wi/l
tie chiefly deroted to the cause of I^BBarT, ad
«a«ating inds^endent poKHBal aetwo agataat Slare
ijr, but it wn: wait the dldkr of no rarqr. It win
aha to nndw «hole.*Boi aaiaeHiti Owraiaam.-4e
wiert ita adqara firiMi lba>kHds e( oppmaookW
to break it. Itwenld a o t y a t a f l f a itod faClint
aail State, t^ n||& tliMB,—bi^t apaie liw -Vflm
while it roatv-tli^eiiBia that are Ihronginb -a.
liiTKaATOKB, of a beaity, manly xx^ will haT^ .
plane here, with all that tends toward human elevk
tion. WrriudlseekaottodiraKrstHeapiritof Pfa-
Siwn from tbe aense of Beaotjr—but rather aim te
wiul Keflneawnt to Rcfenn net fbigelting^ bowe*ai;
lit use the souuiga when Ugii-lMadad ipehednaaa
•iiall denand it. Paaaii^ E r M a mU PtiMt
plus, the tnaaieat News, and Ihe etenal L a i a « , a k dl
find a reeofd in onr and ereijrthing wUck
liimest endeavor, good wiU and some eaperienea
nan do, will be atteaipted, to m a k e a w e l e o n a to
rilends, a blesaing to H n a a a i ^ . aad to onndrea •
means of aa hoBsat lifalikooi.
VOL. III. NO. 30.
will sustain Ihe Whig policy, and be the
ex|)onent of Whig principles. The Bos-ton
Courier says, that a t « meeting of Ihe
Taylor Club, in Boston, on Friday night,
CapU Austin, a neighbor and acquain-tance
of Gen. Taylor, slated that he
would, if elected •carry'out Whig princi-ples
and measures. Capt. Austin de-clared
that he kne A* this from conversa-tion
with the General.* Abbott Lawrence,
too, has got a letter *in his pocket.' which
proves the General as gocid a Whig as
the saute Abbot Lawrence I The people,
we think, will prefer taking a man,' of
whom it will not be deemed necessary,
by his own friends, to prove him a liar,
as the best recommendation they can give
of him.—Mass. l^y.
F r o m the N a U o n a l E i a.
MR. HALE IN THE WEST.
The following correspondence shows the
high estimation in which Mr. Hale is held in
metropolis of the West It is honorable alike
to both parties. With the signers of the invi-tation,
generally, we are acquainted. They
are of all parties, and among tbe first men of
the city of Cincinnati, as it regards position,
influence, and intelligence — some of them
being leading merchants and lawyers:
''CiMGiwKATi, May 2,1848.
To the Hon. John P. Hale, Senate, Wash-ington
City:
" D E A R SIR : The undersigned, citizens
of Cincinnati and of Hamilton county,
have witnessed with great pleasure, your
bold, independent, and honest course in
the Senate of the United Slates upon
questions connected with slavery.
"Uiiawed by violence and unmoved by
denunciation, you have maintained the
cause of constitutional freedom against
the assaults of its enemies; and in the
name—so far as we may speak—of the
people of the free States, and of the lovers
of liberty every where, we thank you for
it.
"We do not inquire whether your views
of the war,,of currency, or of tradft. agree
or do not agree with ours. We recognise
in you an honest, independent man; a fear-less
defender of free speech, free printing,
free soil, and free labor, and a dauntless
opponent of the encroaching slave power.
"As such, we desire to take yon by the
hand, and tender to you a welcome to our
beautiful city—itself an illustrious monu-ment
of tbe patriotic wisdom of the fath-ers
of the Republic, who consecrated the
virgin soil of the Northwest immutably to
freedom.
"We therefore cordially invite you to
visit Cincinnati at as early a day as your
conv^enieuce and your public duties will
permit.
"We are,very respectfully, your fellow-citizens,
" J . M . CnUongfa.
J. M . M c C u U o u g^
H e n r y S t a i r.
Joshua H . Bates.
Geo. H o a d l y , J r.
John N . A r m s ^ n g .
T. Walker.
Wm. Wood.
Wm. Bomett
J. C. Mitchell.
W. A. Adams.
T. D. Lincoln.
W. B. Smith.
B. Uumer.
N. T. Horton.
Bob t Boal.
J L. Miner.
E. P. Justice.
Patrick Hallon.
Flamen Ball.
H. W. Deitz.
Allen Uincbmao.
Wm. B. Morton.
B. B. Pallan, jr.
K. W. Speare.
B. D. Williams.
Sam'l Richardson.
E.M Gregory.
Jacob Shaffer.
G. W. McElroy."
J. McDougal, jr.
John Bnrgoyne.
A. S. Chew.
ham'l Lewis.
J. Lawson.
Geo. H. Bates.
B. G. Mitchell.
James C. Hall-
Jonath'n Mooney.
A. M. Sea les.
Boland EllU.
Isiiac Stevens, jr.
Thomas S. Brown.
>!arcns Smith.
Joseph Clavpool.
Edward T.'Wavne.
James W. Taylor.
S. G. Burnett.
S. P. Uhase.
MB. HALE'S BEPLT.
"Washington, June 5, 1848.
"GENTLEMBII : Your very kind and
flattering invitation to visit the city of
Cincinnati, is before me.
"The first sentiment of my heart which
struggles for utterance, as I sit down to
answer it, is to thank you most heartily
and sincerely for the verj complimentary
manner in which you have been pleased
to speak of my poor efforts in the Senate,
in the six months during which I have
had a seat in that body.
''But while I thus thank you, gentle-men,
for this expression of your approval,
my own convictions of tbe truth compel
me to declare, that a retro.spect of my
Senatorial career brings to my mind mure
occasions of regret than of self-gratula-lion.
I have to regret that 1 have not
more clearly defined, and more ably sup-ported,
as opportunities have; presented
themselves, the great principle of Consti-tutional
Liberty, upon which alone our
fabric of Free Government can perma-nently
endure.
"But, gentlemen, I do not Intend to
write an essay, but to answer your letter.
It will afford me very great pleasure to
comply wilh yonr i.<viiation, and I shall
certainly dq it, provided tbe present ses-sion
of Congress terminates within such
reasonable time that I can make the j ur-ney
without being compelled to neglect
prior and indi8|)ensable engagements.
" I wish to see you, gentlemen, your
. cittsens, your city, and your State, which
of itself is such an everlasting monument
of the wisdom of our fiithers, and ihe
goodness of God combined in the ordi-nance
of 1787, which ihe progressive
r spirit of our age threatens to repudiate
and discard from th* policy of the Gov-ernmeot,
so far as respects the territory
which we now poMesi^- m may hereafter
acquire.
" I regret that, after so long a time has
elapsed since I received your invitation, I
am yet unable to give you a more definite
answer; but so it is. My movements must
depend on events beyond my control.
" I f I shall be able to give yon a deci-sive
answer in the affirmative, I will write
you again at the earliest possible day, no-tifying
you of the time when I will be at
your place; and if, unhappily for myself, I
shall be obliged for the present season to
deny myself that pleasure, I will, in like
manner, advise you.
"But, whether I visit you or not, your
invitation, and the sentiments of sympathy
and approbation accompanying it, will
forever remain treasured in my heart
among the most cherished recollections of
my life
"With much res|}ect, I remain your
obliged friend and fellow-citizen,'
"JOHN P. HALE.
^'Messrs. T. Walker, Henry Starr,
Wm. Burnett, W. A. Adams, J. M.
McCullough, and others."
CAN'T DO ANYTHING.
This is the excuse made by many for
refusing to aid in a Free Soil movement.
'You'll only throw away your voles.' We
are not concerned even at this prospect.
When both the great parties, or their
leaders, deliberately determine to sanc-tion,
or even permit, the enactment of
such a damning crime as the extension of
slavery upon territory how free, the man
who votes fur the candidate of either,
makes himself accessory to theguiit, and
he is bound to withhold his suffrage from
them, even if he cannot ito anything more.
There are times when an honest man can-not
do anything better with his.vote than
to 'throw it away.'
But, under favor, liow is it so certain
that we are shut up to so forlorn a pros-pect—
fat it is indeed Ittll^r to'see the na-tion
rushing forward in a career of shame,
without power to arrest the downward
progreis—how does it appear that we can-not
succeed? Look, fur a moment, at the
I elements of success. There are three
j parties in the field contending for a com-
I mon principle of freedom—first, the raJ-ical,
or 'Barnburner' Democrats of New
York, with their allies in other Slates, in
New York they are believed toconstiluie
a numerical majority of th«; Democratic
party. In other St^iles, the number of
those sympathizing with them is not so
easily estimated from the fact that tht-y
are not organized, but their numbers are
large and evidently increasing. They are
numerous in Ohio and the other >jorth-vestern
States, and developments in
Pennsylvania and New £Uigland, indicate,
the existence of large numbers, who will
manliest themselves in due time. In
Massachusetts, Ex-Gov.. Morton is un-derstood
to lead ihe movement, and a re-cent
convention in Stockbiidge shows
that the Democrats of Berkshire in con-siJerable
numbers, join in it. Then there
is the Liberty party, able lo bring 100,-
OOO votes to the polls. And last, though
by no means least, in spite of the studied
etfbrts of the Taylor organs to depreciate
their numbers, there is a large and daily
increasing number of Whigs, who will
not submit to tbe nomination of General
Taylor, but are resolved to resist the ex.
tension of slavery by something more
than words. Tbey are numerous in Mas-sachusetts,
as the Worcester Convention
demonstra'ed. With most of the Whig
presses alternately denouncing and ridi-culing
the movement, with most of the
wealth and political influence of the Slate
against them, not less than 5000 assem-bled,
a majority of them. Whigs, and
pledged themselves to support an indepen*
dent nomination. In Ohioj^ the evidence
of'dissati'faction with the Philadelphia
nomination, is most cheering, and those
who trust ia the statements of the Tay-lor-
organs,will learn a diflerent lesson be-fore
the end of November. In other
States the tide is rising.
It is not confined to the free States.—
Delegates to the Buffalo Convention are
appointed, or about lo be appointed from
Ma.ryland, and %ve know from the most
unquestionable authority,'that in more
than one slave State, there is a widening
and deepening sentiment gainst the fur-ther
aggrandizen.entbf a system that has
so retailed ihe progress of tralf the union.
If, now, these elements can bo united,
and the whole public sentiment in favor
of fiee territory can be embodied, some-thing
can be done—every thing ran be
done. Let only those who have profess-ed
hoslility to the extension of slavery act-up
to their professions, and join hands,
and they can carry the nation with them.
Let Democrats and Whigs suspend, if
they cannot entirely abandon, their differ-enees
about'minor matters. Let Liberty
men suspend, though they do not abandon
their ulterior purposes. Whhout raising
any question about abolishing slavery
where it fs now planted, adhering to tbe
constitution fairly interpreted, a union lo
resist the attempted aggressicyis ofslavery
mi^r be formed,'^ and inay hive the most
complete success. It may be hard, in the
eyes of some, to abapdon tlu support of
JoHX P. HAIS, after ul that he hiu done
and deserved—it may be hard for others
to relinquish Mr. Van Beren, enthusias-tically
as he was nominated at Utira—it
may be hard fur others still to re.-<ign the
hope of seeing some olher worthy candi-date
presented for general support—but if
the honest and upriglit Q i a s s e s will come
out i u the in g h t of i r r e s i s t a b l e nuinbi-rs
aud indomitable zeal for the cause a uiii<>n
on our comn:on principles and on :i com-mon
candidate will be compelled. The
our mind, the next Buffalo Convention | ful institution, which has long been in con-can
>ot find a fitter man,and for one we | flict with their interest and their rights;
will not cast bur vote fur any substitute ; and tbe Slave States will finally reach the
who falls below his standard'.' We did ! only safe ground, freedom, founded on
not abandon our place in the old AVhi;? , universal equality of rights. If the Slave
party and resist the election of Henry States prevail, their victory will endure for
Clay, regardless of all consequences, ages; they will blast a large portion of
to compromise now upon anything less , this continent with the plague o f slavery;
than u whole altolitionis'. The latest nse it for ruling the Free States with a
straightout whigs may be just as good as rod of i r o n ; prepare for an extension of
the earliest, but iC they are not, we will ^ slavery in blood, and for the severance of
peo[>le cannot be prevented from flowing |,wait for their complete conversion before the Union into hostile fragmenU, desolat-t
o g H i h e r . We say, then, to a i l — Y o u | w e admit them to our communion. As ing each other with civil war. Tbe Slave
need not throw awav your votes. You f a n i long as we have any oil left in our ves- States will contend for the extension of-do
something. Only i«;solve ihat you will, | s e l , we will keep our own lamp burning slavery over a new territory, as their only,
and something wi'll he achieved more I by its light; after that, but not yet sure in-truments of supremacy in the
honorable lo the country, than has been I we may go beting. If we can't Federal Government; and the Free
accomplished since the" Declara'ion ot I ^o anything else, we can do right j States, if true to themselves, to the coun-
T H F P R F A T r n V F T T P T to posterity, to human rights, wiU op-
I H L G R E A T C O N F L I C T . , p „ s e t h i ^ extension, as their only means
A great battle inust soon be fought, lioth of restraining a power which has been
at the polls and in the halls of the Fede- exercised against them with continually
severity, and which has n^jver
Independence. — Free Soil Adsocate.
For the Charter Oak.
F R E E S O I L M K E TLXT;. , , „ .. . p .1 ral Legi.-lature, between the slaveholders
MR. LDiT«R:-At a .nee-ing o. thecu- , ^^^
izens of Norfl.lk, of all p.rt.es, to ake in- , '
to consideraiiim their ie.pons.l...i..es m. for the conteit, and the slaveholders, tS
the approaCmii I»res..!en:.al campaign..! achieve success, are deluging the country
and espeniil.y w^h regard to th,. I-ren ; ...ji,, doctrines. TlJ;, far-seeing be-
Snil movemint Hher some very nb.e re- , inhuman progress may feel sS;ure
larks, from mdividuals, both in lavnr «nd ° ,, ^^^ ^ ^ ^^
tvutra.?* it at «Bf«* <t as •* n m I t ^ 1 1 • l i • • m __
siu'h IS th ^ dec ee ot Providence. But
will this absolve them from any proper ef-a
i i g m e n t i n "
yet hesitated in sacrificing to its own ob-jects,
present or prospective, their inter-ests
or their rights.—£x'rac/ fion a
pamphlet addressed to the Whigs end Dem-erols
of the Free States.
Hgain.st it, it was unanimously voti^d.
That we a j i p o i n t six d» le«ja(es t!> (IK;
C o n v e u t i o n , to be h H . I .n H . r D o r d . o n the ; ^ . . t s to accelerate that triumph? Through ' Jon' t : n i L ;
'2...I of Angu-st. (or I h e p t i r p o s e o l a p p o . ^ - : j , „ ,nav prevail for ages i ««» thi
m g d e l e p . e s to the l.u f l a l o i ree fc.-il j j, ,, negle« o f , Shirk, do
Convention.
The following persons werccho?cu c'ei-ega'cs:
Harlow Roys. Samuel D. Northway,
John K.'Shepard, Michael WiiUh, Sal-mon
Swift and William C. Phelps.
SiibstiMes:—Luke Beckwith, James
Griswold. Albert Hart, Amos Pt-ltihone,
Levi P. Phelps and Au!>tin Spaulding.
Voted, That copies of the proceedings
of the mi eting. be oflered to the Hartford
Courant, the Hartford Times,the Charter
Oak, and the Litchfield Enquirer, with a
request for their publicaiion.
The meeting then adjourned.
AMOS P E T T I B O N E , Chairman.
HARLOW ROYS. Secretary.
Norfolk, July IS.A, 1848.
[We copy the folMwing article from the
Philadelphia Liberty Herald, because it docs
justice to Mr. Hale's noble efforts in behalf of
freedom—and also because we wish to express
our concurrence with its closing paragraphs.
We are willing to unite with any and with all
their predecessors, prevailed for ages past;
and though right will surely come at last,
yet for all the intermediate wrong which
they might have prevented, and for all the
suffering of its victims, they are responsi-ble,
at least to impartial posterity. This
is the day of false doctrines against human
right; the day when opinions, not only in
excuse, but in vain justification of slavery, tion at issue, is—Shall Slavery (that is
SLAVERY EXTENSION—THE NEW
DODGE—THE COilPROMISE.
'Now Tou see it, gpntlcmen. and uow you
' t : I'll het any gentleman ten dullais he can't
thimhie the little joker 'H uiitler."
dodge, palter, shuffle—such is the
latest game of the Slavery Extensionists
in view of the arousing spirit of the Free
North with regard to Free or Slave Soil.
We regret that the names of John M.
Clayton and Samuel S. Phelps are con-nected
with the new Compromise. It will
not render them more illustrious.
The gi^at question, and the only ques-are
boldly avowed by those who, in the
days of their revolutionary fathers would
have blushed under the bare suspicion.
the system of laws which recognize and
enforce the right of one man to own and
sell another) be planted in the New Ter-the
whole People and d i i c c t l y re-ponsible
to them, to seventeen men appointed by
the President, with the Senate's approval
and responsible only to him—most of
them to nobody. We protest against the
juggle.
By the conquest of New Mexico and
California, Slavery either has or has not
the warraHt of Revelation in the command j acquired a right to pour itself without re-tion
! And, as if this were not enough, they
boldly insult the common sense of man
kind, by proclaiming that it is the best of
all institutions for maintaining free gov-
^ . ei T- . • eminent in purity and eflSciency. Y'es!
the earnest opponents of Slaveiy Extension, pressors of thit Demo-but
It must be upon a candidate lor whom we \ Republicanism which is founded
can vote without sacrificing moral principle or | ..^tural equality of rights, and has
self-respect..—EI). C H A R T E R O A K . ] ' I-R. . .. . ..
JOHN P. HALE has employed every
fitting ocasion to assert the doctrine and
maintain the principles of the men who
have given him their confidence. At
the earliest opportunity he boldly took
ground against the slave policy in the
debate which he raised upon the Ten
Regiment bill. He stood alone against
the vote of thanks to the Mexican Gene-rals.
He moved to amend the resolutions
of sympathy for France, by addiiig a dis-tinct
commendation of the emancipation
decree of the Provisional Government.
He took the mad Ball by the boms at the
time of the slavery mob in the District,
and declared in his place that slavery
ought not to exist in it, and that he would
not vote to protect the slaveholders' claim
oif property in slaves within the district.
Pending the discussion on the Oregon
bill, he moved and supported the insertion
of the anti-slavery proviso, and. still more
recently he offered a re^lution in the
Senate, instructing the Committee on the
District to bring in a bill toabolish slavery
therein. Besides, early in May last, he
submitted a resolution instructing the
Committee on the Judiciary to inquire
and report what legislation, if any, is ne-cessary
to protect this colored citizens of
the non-shiveholding States in their con-stitutional
rights. We have made this j
summary from memory, and without any
particular effort to gather up all the in-stances
in which he has acquitted himself
manfully of the trust reposed in him.
Seven times at least he has returned to
the charge; in every a s ^ l t he has borne
himself with dignity, power and all of
success, which t^ility and zeal can com-mand.
Take all these in connection with
his avowal that he will everywhere, both
as a citizen and u public servant, by
moral suasion and political action, exert
his utmost ability to abolish slavery
through the power of the general govern-ment,
where it exists under Federal juris-diction,
and by the action of the State
governments, where it exists under State
jurisdiction, and we think that both by
profession and action he very fairly an-swers
the definition of an abolitionist.
He has secured our thanks and esteem,
and richly deserves our confidence for
the future. A correspondent of the Mer-cer
Luminary, writing from Columbus,
Ohio, under date of the 20<Ii June, says
he is wUUng to forego his claims upon the
support of the Liberty party for the office
of President, in the event a general
agreement among the abolitionisto who
are endeavoring to array a more effective
resistance to the slave x>ower. This is
also consistent with the intipaatioa made
in his leUer of acceptance, a^a.with his
duty asaTCionBeraQdapatrMt. Bat to
Those who once condemned slavery as a • ritories? Nobody ever supposed it could
deplorable evil, and lamented their inabil- 1 be planted in Oregon; the fight made on
i t y to emancipate their country from its ,j the O r e g t m hi 1 by the propagandists w a s
blighting influences, now boldly defend it— ' a mere feint, intended only to cover and
in Congress, in the Legislatures, and the i aid the attack on the real point in dispute,
press of the slave States, and through pol- 1 Now, the new bill does not propose to set-iticians
and aspirants in the free States, as i tie the great question, but remits it entire-a
salutary institutiim, a natural condition, ' ly from Congress to other tribunals—from
a divine oi-dinance, sanctioned by Revela- two hundred and ninety men .chnst n by
to do as they would lie done by, boldly
urge their daily violation of these rights,
of this injunction, as the corner-stone of a
government which claims such rights for
its f o u n d i i t i o n . And while thus boldly
preaching these doctrines, they denounce
all attempts to refute them as a violation
of their constitutional rights, as an inva-sion
of their domestic hearth, as fraught
with insurrection, massacre to themselves,
and dissolution to this glorious confedera-cy.
Did the poison of false doctrines in-fect
slaveholders only, it might still find
an antidote in the purer principles of the
free States. But the f i o i s o n is doing its
deadly work, in reconciling even the free
States to Ihe guilt of i s l a v e r y . Northern
|ioliticiaus, bom and trained at firesides
where slavery was ever regarded as a
criminal violation of natural rights, a se-vere
moral and political evil, gravely tell
their constituents that it is necessary to
the South; that the country can be infect-ed
by grea'er evi's than slavery; that dis-solution
of the Union, an e- il still more
formidable, will inevitably follow any at-tempt
of the Free'States to arrest its pro-gress.
When the principles of a nation
are falling before corrupting influences;
when, through the seductions of interest,
through dread, of their responsibilities a
people renounce the pure sentiments, the
high aspirations which once impelled and
guided them, their institutions, however
excellent, arc of short duration. Free-doin,
God's g i f l to man as the instrument
of developing his noblest attributes, of dis-charging
his highest duties, cannot animate
staint, and find no limit but the Pacific
ocean. We say it hits acquired no right
to a single foot of the new territory; the
South avers the contiary. We press Con-gress
for a decision, ai-d it is refused to us.
Instead of deciding. Congress undertakes
to run the matter through so many differ-ent
crucibles that Slavery will finally be
established and that inveterate old rascal
Nobody, be Jilone responsible for it-
Congress is to pass an act or clause in-hibiting
Slavery on the newly-acquired
Territories, and is to tie its hands against
passing any. The South at once claim
this as an unequivocal permission to'car-ry
Slavery into those Territories. A Gov-ernor
and three Judges are to be the law-makers
and law-expounders in each Ter-ritory—
said Governor and Judges being
appointed by Polk, and of course chosen
from among the most determined, wily
and unscruptdous champions of Slavery
Extension- Nobody can pretend to doubt
how they will construe the Constitutioc.
It will suffice for them that the "Resolu-tions
of '98" don't even name "niggers,"
to prove conclusively that Slavery ought
to exist anywhere and for ever. But an
appeal may be taken to the Supreme
Court—a body in which there is a clear
majority of slaveholders, without coonting
the Doughfaces, who comprise nearly all
the residue. We are to accept the arbi-trament
of this utterly irresponsible, noto-riously
one-sided and very limited body—
five of the nine slaveholders, and eight of
the nine partisans of the Bo^ Doughface
for President—in place of Congress, con-corrupt
hearts, or guide perverted minds, f sisting of two hundred and ninety mem-
It has no fellowship with selfishness; no
congeniality with injustice; If the first
of poets uttered eternal tmth in saying
that,
'•Jove fix il il certain, that whatever day
Makes iiiiin a slave, takes half bis worth away."
bers, about equally divided in politics, a
majority from tbe Free Stxdes, and nearly
all immediately dependent on the People.
The s u b s i t u t i o n is not at a U fair.
—"But you don't mean to say that the
Supreme Court would warp the laws and
so is eternal truth involved in the declara- , misconstrue the Constitution to fa\or Slav-ti<^,
that, whoever robs another of his ; ery ?"—Friend! we mean not to "speak
freedom, his social indviduality, throws ; evil of d i g n i t i e s b u t the Supreme Court
away more than half of his own worth. If of 1848 is not the Court of John Marshall,
without moral degradation, man cannot be • Story, Smith, Thompson, Ac. ft is a very
enslaved, neither, without such degrada- , different body. And while we can't say
tion, can be an enslaver. He cannot ' positively what the present Jndges will do
plunder, and be j u s t He cannot rob, and ] respecting Slavery E x t e n s i o o , we em s ay
do as he would be done by. He cannot ' what they have done with r e a a r d to the
d-1o se hV i: s eyes to the injustice, the robbe- TV : r\ . I . . ° »
ry, without moral pervertioii. Then, as
this contest between ri^t and might is
speedily comin|^ and as right, though
sure of alUniate triumph, may be tempo-rarily
overpowered, the du^ of all who
would contend for right, is to consider tl)^
danger of tem]
no just efforts
defeat, and to spare
>r an immediate, as well as
apermanent rictoiy. If the Free States
are victon, they wUl arrest the progrew,
and prepare for tke atinelion of a b—e
Dorr Question. That qneatiod was madr
to operate powerfully agwut Clay? and
in favor of Polk in it hasnnee
come regukriy before the Supreme Court,
and was AiUy argued last Winter. Thm
was no way to decide it but one, as eTeiy
inteffigent person knew, and the dednon,
by a Loco-Foeo Cour^ would have told
powerfuly against Cass it Company ia
thependi^ eaavass. So the deeUaiii
withheld •mothered wceakd. The
^elay is a political t i k k ^ p t e T M l t he