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w PUBUSHEO BY W I L L I A M H. B C B L E I 6 H. mo 17 STATS OTBET. K^BCTOEP. OOM. T E R M S . Two UoLUt* m AJCNOM—ftom wUek Fifty Ceau will Iw dadueled if fwid sthcrijr im adruce. r « o doUan lo Ci9 Subwriben. who isG«i«« tlw mppr t>y the Catriei. SINITIE mpica, FO«B CCMTS. No diffmjioe wii be paid upon F.zcMnfea, Daily •r Weekly. No diseon:inuea Hi. all arrearacee an paid, at thr oo^n of lh»! Publisher. L«ipt» anc C^miinicaliona mim lie ad-to the Pul.li^hrr, It7 Pott Pmtd. Oir.-aiKMnlriita will lie pof niltrd to k|<Mk Iheir ••Ti Hen. nioimi (however wide.y ililTenitf from <«ir*) upun tlirir own rrs|io«iiliilitjr—on these condiliuas, (hat they mit. neither deeenCT, good EngliKh, nor liawl taste, an.l p«c dieir Mune* to the Puliliahrr. This kiat we m|uin fcr our mm aaliafftion—not' W the public. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. A0TKBTISBIICKTS will lie ' isertcd at Iha follow- •gialea: Far oae •qaara, or 20 linea, three weeka, SI 00 " CuatmuaDoe each iiuettion, 20 * T n tinea at half aquare, three weaiw, 63 ** C—tinuance eacu inaeitioii. 10 " Oae anuare • yew, - - 10 00 Oi aqtiara > Tear with pnnleft of u « o A N A N T I - S L A V E E Y NEW SERIES. From the Kational Enu THE CRISIS. BT JOHH O. WHITTIKB. Aenaa the StoDjr Msnntaitu o'er the desert's dranth and^MMl;'— The circle* of onr empire tonch the Western Ooean'e strand; From slumberous Tinqwiiogas to Gila wild and <h»e, Flowing down the Nueva Leon on the California Sea; And from the motintains of the East to Santa Rosa's shore, The Eagles of MezUi shall beat the air no iflore. Oh, Vale of Bio Bravo I let thy simple children weep, Close watch about their holy fire let muds of Pe-cos keep; Let Taos send ito cry across Sierra Madre's pla'nes. And Algodoneo toll its bell amid its com and vines; For lo! the pale land-seekers come with eager eyes or gain. Wide Ksatteringlike the bison herds on green Sala-da's plain. Let Sacramento's herdsmen heed what sound the winds bring down Of footsteps on (he crisping snows fhrni cold Neva-da* crownl Full hot and fast the Saxon rides, with rein of travel slack, And (tending o'er his saddle, leaves the snnrise at his back; By many a lonely river, and goige of fir and pine. On many a wintry hill-top, his nightly camp fires shine. Oh, countrymen and brothers! that land of lake and plain, Of salt wa.-tes alternating with valleys fat with grain. Of mountains white with Winter looking down-ward, cold, serene. On their feet with Spring-vines tanked and lapped with softest green, Throtigfa whoi^ black volcuiic gateways, o'er many a sunny vale. Wind-like, the Arapahoe sweeps the bison's dtistr traU! Great spaces yet, tintraveled, great lakes whose mjrstic shores The Saxon rifle never heard, nor dip of Saxon oars. Great herds that wander all cm watched, wild steeds that none have tamed. Strange fish in unknown streams, and birds the Saxon never named. Deep mines, dark mountain crucibles, where Na-ture's chemic powers Work out the Great Designer^ will—«I1 Uiese ye say are ours! Forever ours! for good or ill—on us the bturden lies; God's balance, watched by angels, is hung across the skies. Shall Justice, Truth and Freedom tam the poised and trembling seal:? Or shall the evil triumph, and robber wrong pre-x- ail? Shall the broad land o'er which our flag in stany splendor waves Forego throng us its fjeedom, and bear the tread of slavest The day is breaking in the East, of which the prophets told, And briglitens up the sky of Time the Christian's Age of Gol<C-Old Might to Right is yelding, batQe blade to clerldy pen, Earth's monarchs are her peoples, and her serfs stand up as men; The isles rejoice together in a day are nations bom. And the slave walks free in Timis, and by Stam-boul's golden hom! bthis. ohconntrymen of mine, a day for u^ to sow The soil of new-gained empire with Slavery's aeeds of woe? To feed with our fresh life4>lood the Old World's cast-ofi' crime, Dropped like some monstrous early bir&, from the tired lap of Time? To run anew the evil race the old lost nations ran. And d 'e like them of tmbelief of God and wrong of of man? Great Heaven! is this our mission^ End in this the prayers and teats, The toil, the strife, the watchings of our younger, better years? StUI as the Old Werid roUs in light, shall ours in shadow turn, A beamleM chaos, cursed of God, through outer darkness bome t Where the far nations looked for light a blackness in the air! Where for words of Hope they listened, the long wail of Despair! The Crisis presses on us; face to &ce with us it stands, With solemn lips of question, like the Sphinx in Egypt's sands! This day we fashion Destiny, onr web of Fate we spin; This day for all hereafter, choose we Holiness or Sin; Even now from starry Gerizim, or Ebal's cloudy crown. We caU the dews irf'blessing, or the bolts of cursing down! By all for which the martyn bore thdr agony and ahame; By aU the warning words of truth with iduch the prophet!) came, By ttie future which awaits tis; by aU the hopes which f»st Their faint and tnmUing beams across the black-ness of the past; Aad in the awAil nuse of Him who for earth'* freedom died; <Mi ye people! oh my brothers! Irt lu chooae the righteous side! Po dian the Northern pioneer go on his way, To WMl Penobwwt'a wtters to Sac Fiadaeo's Bay, To Make t ^ ngnd plaees wtXh. tad sow tli^ veto wttn jgram, And bear with L t t ^ and Uw, flie BiUe in Us The mighty West shall bleas the East, and saa shall aaawera^ GOB. For the Charter Oak. Brooklyn, JvU/ 22d, 1848. Windam County Liberly Associatioa met in this place, agreeable to notice.— Owing to the busy season, there were not as many present as we wished to see.— Yet a goodly number came to th»» meet-ing; enough, at least, to make it one of more than usual interest. Our duties in relation to the coming Presidential elec-tion were discussed, at some length, by most of the members present Some slight diffi»«nces of opinion existed, as to what our duties should be, under certain cir-cumstances ; but all were agreed, that no man can receive our suffrages for Presi-dent of the United Sutes, who is under-stood to be opposed to our ultiuiato pur-poses. The following, are among the Resolu-tions, which were passed by the Associa-tion : Retained, That we hail with emotions of gratitude, the uprising spirit manifest-ed by a large portion of the Whig and Democratic parties, in favor of free soil, and the appearance of certain newspa-pers devoted to freedom, which are ex-horting all men to rally in opposition to the wicked scheme of Southern slave-holders; and we further pledge our hearty co-operation in promulgating this princi-ple, and to use our best exertions to sus-tain those presses which have taken a buid stand against the further extension of slavery. Resolved, That this Association ap-prove of the sending a delegation of Lib-erty men to the State Convention, lo be held at Hartford, August 2nd, and also to the National Mass Convention, to be held at Buffalo, Aug. 9ih. Another important resolution was pre-sented, and after a lengthy discussion was referred to a committee of three, with instructions to correspond with Liberty men in difierent sections, and report at a future meeting, which will l>e called soon after the Buffalo Convention, at which pUce we hope to see the face of every Liberty man in Windham County. H. UAXXOND, Sec'jf. MR HALE—THE NEW MOVEMENT. What is denominated 'The New Move-ment,' is assuming an impo.sing attitude, which threatens to dissolve, to a very considerable extent, the whig and demo-cratic political organizations, into their original elements, and lay the foundations of a new political association, probably temporary in Its duration, having, ibr its prime object, the defeat of the Slave Power, in its attempt to extend slavery into the national territories. It is not our present purpose to argue the propriety of the Liberty partyjuining in such a com-bination, but merely lu announce the fact, that measures, tending to the partial dis-ruption of old parties, and the organiza-tion of a new one, fornyd out of their fragments, are in progress, in all the Free States, and are participated in by leading Democrats and Whigs, and that a Na-tional Convention for the nomination of candidates on the basis of this union, is to be held at Buffalo, on the 9th of August. These facts are notorious, and therefore it is wii« to examine them candidly, dis-cuss them temperately, and look steadily at their probable effects upon the Liberty party and the countr}'. Waiving other aspects of this question, it is obvious,that if the Bu&lo Convention can present a Presidential ticket, for which all the op-ponents of slavery can consistently vote, it is a consummation devoutly to be wish-ed. We believe a candidate for the Pres-idency can be named, who, though he may not meet all the conceivable wishes of every opponent of the slaveholding oligarchy, will come nearer to it than any other person who would be likely to ac-cept the nomination of the Buffalo Con-vention. We allude to John P. Hale; and we will briefly state the grounds of our opinion. It is proposed that the new combination shall be made up of Wilmot Proviso Dem-ocrats— generally called 'Barnburners,' Conscience, or Independent Whigs, and that branch of abolitionists known as Lib-erty men. Here are classes of politicians, each having its marked peculiarities; and though they may all agree on the great issue of 'Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Speech, and Free Men,' (the chosen motto of the new movement) they differ on many other important questions, and have veiy strong prejudices in regard to men. Is Mr. Ible the man upon whom they can consistently and readily unite? First, as to the DemocraU. Mr. Hale was originally a Democrat, and belong-ed to that branch of the party which was specially friendly to Mr. Van Buren, and sympathized with him in his opposition to Texas annexation. After Mr. Hale was nominated for re-election to Congress, by the democratic party of New Hampshire, in 1844, be peiibrmed certain acts in the subsequent cession of 1844-5, in hostility to the measure of annexation. For these, be was proscribed by the leaders of his party, in New Hampshire, and his name stricken from the list of Congressional candidates. The result of the contest which followed, is well known. Mr-Hiile triumphed. Now, these acts for which he was proscribed, were participated in by r B i i i e i P L B i i — P v i t P o i M . ttm Cnrnnm OAK, wsttfl ssnt i i a i Ijr wmti' ih» CiASTn sr n s B s n n ftnA As ipssp « f T f m w f . K is a IVss. Piyr^i'aot' S Amw) ftr. aO Wfcbis hat wkm W wmM av. » stlsifteeiT- b w f f l a l M l i a M M s e f s a i^ lNa»fSr lowiy aid ^ tlwm islo the Ass of aU waoa^ waalBiB ia pntpla M >in|>IHi. sr ia « f i Ml sqwlorw , Tet^lhs^ i* tas As aia. it Witt Ml hate thssis^sK. It bs chisfj i ^ t i d to ths CSMS ^ LtasarT, sfl toaOiac lafc^ailant politieal aeHapafUM Slsw ly.but itwui wMT tha eoOar oTw Paiqr. & wiB i la maka whoh, aot daaoUsh Goveiaaisiit.-t* wieit its seeptia fim Oa hands of oiywaiMi, aol loliraakit. b would aot put a ita^nad to Ckmcb aad Stale, to paafy thai, hut araie Oa ' >9hs whOa a wata tha vanaia thai am A i t m ^ —^ ItiTBSATuas, of a imttf, maaly sort, will haiv v ,|Jaeaheia,withaa that taada tawvd iHMa 'iMNi. Wa shall aeak aot to dhroita Iks •pintafFi*' giess 6am tha saaaa ot Bsaaty but rathar aim to wcdKeanamant toSefim—not fcn»ttiu^ howaas^ IQ use tha Sfcoega when Ufh-haadsd wirksdw shall demand k. FMnag Evaata aad i n d PHaoi-plea, the ti—isat Wawa,aad tha atawil L—a, A a l iml a lecowl ia oar Papar; aad aanytliiv wWak la>asat endaamt, goad will aad aoaaa aapariww aaado.wiB bailliw|iiil,totoritoitwilBpmi toils fiiaads, a hlisaiH t» H—aaitr. Md to oaisalias • HARTFORD, CONN., THURSDAY, AUGUST 3, 1848. Messrs. Rathbun, King, Wood, Wheaton, Grover, and other democratic members from the Sute of New York; and these gentlemen are among the leading ' Barn-burners' of that Slate. From that day. they and their great leader, Silas Wright, were marked for immolation by the Slave Power of the country. They were not openly proscribed, at the time, by the Hunkers of New York, but they were se-cretly branded as 'traitors.' There was no immediate occasion for an open rup-ture in New York, because the Congres-sional eLsctions took place in November, 1844; whereas, in New Hampshire, they occurred in March, 1845. In the former case, the treason to the Slave Power was manifested after the elections; in tfie lat-ter, before. But, in the very next gener-al election in New York, to wit, in Nov. 1846, Silas Wright, and as many of his friends as the dagger of pro-slavery Hun-kerism could reach, were stricken down, because of the treason of 1845. Un-questionably, had there been any oppor-tunity, in 1845,to have proscribed Messrs. Ratbbun, King, and their associates, the same eff<irt to prostrate them would have been made in New York, which was made to trample down Mr. Hale in New Hampshire. It was, therefore, owing simply to the fact that the election in N. York took place before the treasonable acts of Ratbbun and his associates were performed, whilst that of New Hamp-shire occurred after those of Hale, that the open breach, in the Democracy of the latter State occurred tvyo years previous to that in the former. Opposition to the extension of slavery was the moving cause of both. The Concord Convention of 1845, which proscribed John P. llale, split the democratic party of the Granite State. The Syracuse Convention of 1847, which proscribed John Van Buren, split the democratic party of the Empire State. Both produced political revolutions; and the rallying ciy of the rebels ia each was, 'Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Speech and Free Men;' each prostrated the domi-nant pro-slavery party of its State; and,in each, the Whigs made some temporary gains. John P. Hale was the first rebel— the Granite Lion; John Van Buren was the second rebel—the Empire Lion. We never saw two political revolutions more identical in character and consequences, than these. The New Hampshire revo-lutionists did not stop with prostrating the ruling dynasty. They went forward, giv-ing the lead to their principles, and fol-lowing them lo their legitimate results, till ihey reached an advanced position, in the contest for human rights. The New York revolutionists are treading the same path, and with constantly accelerated steps. Their early addresses, resolutions and speeches, were cautious, full of ex-ceptions and apologies. Their later are bold, aggressive, hearty. Indeed, a re-cent speech of John Van Buren, the re-port of which we have seen, as revised by himselC avows that the inevitable ten-dency, and the cherished purpose of the present 'Barnburner' agitation, is not merely the restriction of slavery, but its ultimate overthrow,throughout the Union. Every abolitionist well knew, that if these gentlemen continaed to write, and ta\k, and act, ihey would reach the stage, at an early day. We ask, then, what should prevent the New York Independent De-mocracy, and their friends in other States, from nominating and supporting John P. Hale for the Presidency? It is well un-derstood in New York, that the 'Barn, burners' sympathized with John P. Hale, in the New Hampshire contests of 1845; that some of their Journals openly appro-ved his course; and only forbore to sus-tain him throughout, because they were not prepared to precipitate the crisis which they saw approaching at home.— And we have reason to believe, that many ot their leading men applaud his general course in the Senate, and only hesitate about nominating him, on the score of 'availability.' They think Martin Van Buren a stronger candidate. Secondly, as to the Independent Whigs. The strength of this party lies in New, England, New York »nd Ohio. We feel' the utmost confidence that Mr. Hale is their favorite, among all the candidates that would be likely to accept the Buffalo nom'nation. He has frequently spoken before audiences largely made up of this party, in Maine, New Hampshire, Ver-mont, Massachusetts and Connecticut— and occasionally on their invitation. He has been enthusiastically received by them, and specially complimented in their journals. His Senatorial career has ob. tained their oft-repeated commendation. We have good authority for saying, that the same is true of the Independent Whigs of New York; those who oppose Taylor, on the ground of the Wilmot Proviso, and mean td' act as they speak. The Whig defection in the Empire State is rapid IT spreading, and their first choice is John P. Hale. As to Ohio and the West, he has received many evidences of the warm attachment of the Indepemlent Whigs of that section of the country. And it will be remembered, that the Columbus and Worcester Free Soil Conventions, com-posed mainly of Whigs, adopteil resolu-tions highly eulogistic of the character and services of Mr. Hale. We affirm, then, that John P. Hale would receive a larger number of wh|g votes, than any. man whom the Deini>era(« oeuld as con-sistently support. And We feel confident, that he would, if nominated at Buffalo, obtain more whig a ^ democratic votes than any man who would permit the use of his name. Thirdly, as to the Liberty party. They have already expressed their confidence in Mr. Hale, in an authoritative form. Of course,they would not rush to his support, with any the less alacrity, because anoth-er Buffalo Convention should resolve to give him their confidence and votes. The result at which we arrive, is, that John P. Hale is the candidate most avail-able for the advocates of 'Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Speech, and Free Men,' whether we regard his principles,his pub-lic careeY, or his attractive popularity.— Whether the Buflak> Convention will so think, and therefore, nominate him,we cannot conjecture. If they should, no se-rious embarrassment could result to the Liberty party, in any respect; whilst, should they not, insuperable obstacles will exist, to giving the nominee our sup-port. Should the Buffalo Convention not nominate Mr. Hale, but present candi-dates fully representing the views of its constituents, and give a high tone to its proceedings, it will still be the duty of the Liberty party to stand by Mr. Hale, so long as he occupies his present position.— Having placed him there, it must firmly sustain him, till he ceases to be its nomi-nee. Nothing can be plainer than this.— Of one thing, we are certain: and that is, that Liberty men can make no better dis-position of their time and services, this year, than in attending the Bu%lo Con-vention, and urging the nomination of Mr. Hale.—Emmdpator, LETTER FROM HON. J. M. NILES. [The New York •BambDmers' had a grand demonstration in the Pfirk; on the afternoon of the 18th ult, to respond to the nomination of Martin Van Buren. It was estimated that from fifteen to twenty thousimd^Hirsons were ^ at-tendance, and ths TtiiSnne says, 'it was ^ne of the most respectable and orderly assemblages 'e ever witnessed in New York.' Hon. Ste-phen Allen presided, and addresses were made by Hon. B. F. Butler, Hon. Martin Grover, Mr. Montgomery Blair, of Missouri, (son of F. P. Blair, Esq., editor of the Washington Globe) and others. Letters were read from several distiguished citizens—among them an admirable one from the Hon. Mr. Niles, pub-lished below.—ED. CHARTER OAK.] WAsmNGTON, July 15,1848. GENTLEMEN:—I had the honor to re-ceive some days since, your letter of the 7th inst., inviting me to be present at, and to addresss a meeting to be held on the 18th inst, in the city of New York, for the of ratifying the nominatibn of ;in Van Buren for Uie Presidency, and contributing to the extension of Free Soil and the perpetuation of Free Labor. Concurring fully in the object of your meetipg, and with a high estimate of the eminent qualifications of the distinguished citizen whose nomination is to be consid-ered, did I feel justified in leaving my of-ficial duties here for any similar purpose, it would afford me great pleasure to be present on an occasion of so much inter-est, not only to your State, but to the whole country. The course of pablic affairs, for some years past, has had a tendency to bring a great crisis upon the country, apparently somewhat sectional in its character, but not really so, as it involves a great prin-ciples of personal freedom, in connection with that of Free Soil, the maintenance of which, in its greatest extent, cannot fail of Hdding to the strength, the prosper-ity, and the greatness of the Republic and all its parts. The Slave Power, being an exclusive or monopoly interest, and in n» small de-gree an incongruous and hostile element in our political system, has been steadily gaining strength, until it has greatly dis-organized the origiiud adjustment of pow-er ; and encouraged by success and the yielding and subservient spirit in the Free States, it is now making a bold effort to secure the complete control of this other-wloe free republic. Having been numer-ically the weaker power, it has hitherto at-tained its ends, by superior political tact and management, as it is the very instinct of any exclusive interest to be ever vigil-ant, ever activc in strengthening and for-tifying itself. Like all other weaker powers, as aristocracy or hierarchy, it has accomplished its ends by the unity of its own purposess and by-deriding the strong-er power. Its skill and success in this has a striking example in the annexation of Texas. It was evident that the Slave States could not accomplish this measure by their own strength; and when it was first brought to a test in the form of a treaty, it received very little support from the Free States. It then became evident that the case required the most adroit management, which was exhibited in giv-isg to the measure, not only a national but a party character, and bringing it into the Presidential Election. This accom-plished a double purpose; it disposed of the Northern candidate for the Presiden- I cy, and insured the success of the meas-ure. And, when it was- oonsnmmated, the princif^ agents in it did not hesitate to admit that the original purpose and ob-ject, and which was never lost sight of, was to strengthen and extend the inter-ests of Slavery. This measure, carried though by the co-operation of the De-mocracy of the North, acting from nation-al considerations, or constrained by party obligations, brought into the Confederacy, prospectively, four SUve States, with a territoiy of three hundred thousand square miles. These measures, so skillfully and suc-cessfully accomplished, excited some alarm in the Free States, and two years ago, when the Three Million bill was introdu-ced to aid in the negotiation of peace and the acquisition of t^ritory, a proposition was offered by way of amendment, that the territory which might be acquired, shall be forever free from Slavery. This bill, with the proviso, passed the House of Representatives; and it also passed the second time, at the last session of Con-gress. This onion and determination of the Free States to resist the farther ex-tension of Slavery called forth all the en-ergies of the Slave power to defeat the purpose. The example of Texas was not forgotten, and it was resolved to defeat the proviso, by carrying the question into the election, and making the extension of Slav-ery a political test Accordingly the South assumed that to res'st the extension of Slavery, was an invasion of their consti-tutionad rights, presented not only a unit-ed but a bold front, little short of defiance to all of the Free States. The Legisla-ture of many of the latter had adopted resolutions expressing a decided opinion against the farther extension of Slavery. These proceeding were met not only by counter-resolutions, but by bold and sol-emn enactments by several of- the Slave States, "that under no circumstances would they recognize as binding any enactment by the F^eral Government which has for its object the prohibition of Slavery in any territory to be acquired either by conquest or treaty;" and to give more force to this declaration, and to carry the question into the Presidential election, they also de-clare, in the same form of legislative en-actments, that "we pledge ourselves not to support at the ensuing Presidential election, any man for the Presidency or Vice-Presidency, who is not atowedly op-posed to the principles of the Wilmot Proviso." The same identk»l resolutions were passed by the Legislature of Vir-ginia, South Carolina and Alabama, show-ing a concert of action and purpose. The resolutions of the other Southern States did not assume quite as strong ground. These resolutions of the Legislatures of the States referred to, were folloi^ed up, and the same principles and purposes re-affirmed by the Democratic State Conven-tions in Virginia and Alabama, and in nearly the same language. These enact-ments and proceedings threatened a nulli-fication of an act of Congress, should one be passed restraining Slavery in the ter^ ritories; and they were, to all intents and purposes, a dissolution of both of the pol-itical parties which then existed, by the. separation of the Southern fh>m the North-em division. These declarations were made, and these positions assumed, after nearly all the members of Congress, both Whigs and Democrats, from the Free States had voted for the Proviso, and af-ter ten of those States had adopted, in their Legislatures, resolutions affirming the principles of the Ordinance of 1787. The position assumed by the Democrats of the States named, was equivalent to a declaration, in express terms, that they could no longer act with their Northern brethren, bemuse they differed in regard to the main issue which was to enter into the election. Had the Democracy of the Free States acteu with proper self-res-pect, they would have declined to take any farther measures in relation to a Na-tional Convention; for nothing could be more absurd than for a body of men to assemble together, to nominate a candi-date for the support of all, when they were, in nearly equai numbers, directly opposed to each other, in respect to the principal issue upon which the election of the can-didate was to depend. The Southern division of this party, in declaring that they considered the exten-sion of Slavery more important than all others, and thnt thf^y would support no candidate who differed from them on that question, separated themselves from their political brethren in the Free States, and became a mere sectional party, whose only object was to advance the interests! of Slavery. This is a brief but plain statement of the origin and causes of the existing division in the Democratic party, and from which the difficulties in the Convention at Balti-more, were a necessary consequence. How could it be expected that men could act harmoniously together, who entertained directly opposiste opinions upon the main question which was the subject of their action ? How can two walk together un-less they be agreed ? The Democrats of the North had assert- ^ a principle, but they did not make it a test; they did not declare that they would support no man for the Presidency who did not agree with them on that question. But the Southern divisira of the make a new issue on the extension of Slav-ery, and make it a test issue. What was their object in this, fbr it seems, that they did not really intend to sepi^e them-selves from the p i ^ with which they acted ? The subject cannot be mistaken. It was a repetition of the Texas scheme; it was to carry the question of extension of Slavery into the election, and to coem the Nortliem Democracy to unite with them on this new issue; to nominate a candidate with reference to it, tmd should be be elected, it would, of courw, be claim-ed that the people had decided the ques-tion. It aims to commit the whole De-mocratic party of the Union to the doe-trine of the propagandism of Slavery over thb continent. To accomplish this object, the agents of the Slave power, have resorted to brow-beating, denunciation, ridicule and every species of annoyance to coerce the Demo-crats of the North to seek repose in the relinquishment of their opinions. And as to the Government here being in the hands of the Slave power, its whole in-fluence has been brought to bear on this question which has pr^uced a state of in-tolerance, disgracefbl in a free country. Of tl\,e five hundred officials here, the greater portion have been the avowed ad-vocates of slavery propagandism, and the residue, if entertaining different opinimis have been discreet enough to suppress them. In the face of thes* facts, a charge is made against the Nonh, and more partic-ularly against the Democracy of New York oi a design to organize a sectional party, on a single principle, that of oppo-sition to the extension of Slavery. The resistance of a desire to commit the whole Democratic party of the Union, to the in-terest and purposes of the Slave power, is characterized as a base attempt to en-croach upon the rights of the Slave States. For the North to persist in the opposition to the farther extension of Slavery, is deemed a veiy alarming state of things, and dangerous to the Union. But for the South tO( mite in support of Slavery and for its extension over this continent is very proper. One is a sectional party, the other is a National one; the union of the people of the North in support of Lib-erty, will endanger the Union, but the unity of the South for the support and ex-tension of Slavery, tends to strengthen and uphold our free institutions. I f a crisis shall be brought upon the country, it will be from the pretensions and designs of the Slave Power which seems at last to have alarmed the Free States, and to have called forth a deter-mined spirit of resistance. Nor is this spirit confined to the Free Statcs,4ls vast numbers at the South do not favor the farther extension of S l a v ^. It is fortunate for the country that at such a crisis a man could be found so pre-eminent for ability, so distinguished for a union of elevated qualities—experience, sagacity, firmness, moderation and purity of character, as Mr .Van Buren, on whom all can unite who are honestly opposed to the Grovemment of this great republic being converted into ^n instrument to ad-vance the interests of Slavery. There are few individuals who have had better opportunities to estimate the char-acter of this eminent citizens than myself, associated with him, as I have been for many years, in different departments of the Government. Circumstances may be adverse to his success. But called, as he is, from his retirement, by the spmitaneous action of the people, at a time of agitation and alarm', when old organizations are breaking up from a decay or abandonment of their principles, his election, could, m my judgment, hardly fail of removing dis-quietude, of restoring confidence to the public councils, and of giving a safe and wise direction to the domestic and foreign policy of the government. am, very respectfully, yours, JOHN M. NILES. Messrs. John Cocheran, Eugene Casserly, Committee, &c. CASS AND TAYLOR COMPROMISE. As might have been expected after the harmonious sacrifice of free principles, which distinguished the Philadelphia and Baltimore Conventions, an infkmous coun-terpart has been hatched in the Senate at Washington. Week before last, John M. Clayton, a Taylor Whig from Delaware, rose in his place and moved to stop the debate on the Oregon bi 1, and appoint a tcompromise committee," to whom should be referred the whole question of organ-izing territorial governments in Oregon, New Mexico and California. This mo-tion |iassed, whereupon the following Sen ators were chosen by ballot to constitute said committee: Free Staie T«yh>r Whigs, Free State Cass Hunkersi Phelps of Vt Clarke of R.I. Bright of Ind. Diekinnao *, N. Y. C l a ^ n o f D eL Unoerwood, Ky. Atchison ot Mo. J.C. Calboun,&C. Slave StateTaylor Whigs, Slave Sute Cats Honker, Independent Taylorite, It needed no prophet to foretell the char-acter of the "compromise" for which s a committee would stand godfather, only two of them who ever made VOL. III. NO. 31. smallest pretence to anti-slavery, are Phelps and ClaAe. Bright and ttekin-lonarethe mnst if ihe Wilmot Proviso to be ibimd wuhtry, either Nmlk or Accordingly, last week, l l r . Clayton re-ported a long bill, in behalf of the com-mittee, (Mr. Clarke and Mr. Underwood only dissenting) to organize territorial gov-ernments in Oregon, California and New Mexico. There are featured to this bill which are a disgrace to the age and coun-try in which we live. It provides f«r a Governor and local Legisbrture for Ore-, gnn only : subjecting California and New Mexico, in fact, to the control of the Pres-ident. Section 6 relating to Oregon and the legislative power of the territory, says: "And be it further enacted, that the Legis-lative power ofthe territory shall extend to aU rightful subjtds of legislation amsislent with the Conditutim of the Uniled States and the provisions of this act; but no law shaltbe passed interfering with the primary disposal of the soil; no tax shall be imposed upon the proMfty of the United States; nor shall th^ lands or other property of non-residents be taxed higher than the lands or other property of residents. AU the laws paxKd 6y the Legidatiw Assentb^ shall be mbmitud to the Congress of the UniUd States, and if dm^ proved hy them shaU be null and void." Such is the legislative power of Ore-gon. Now we will give that of California and New Mexico. It is the same in both cases, so that publishing one of them will suffice: "1 And be it further enacted, that the lea* islative power of said territory shall, unSl Congress shall otherwise provide, be vested m the Governor, Secretary, and Judges of the Sur mreme Court, who» or a majority of them, shall have power to pm any law for the adminis-tration ofjustice in said territory, which shall not be repugnant to this act, or inconsistent with the laws and Constitution ofthe United States. Bat no law shall be passed inter-fering with the prima^ dispoeal of the soU, respecting an establishment of religion, or respecting slavery; and no tax shall be imposed upon the property of the United States, nor shall the lands, or other property of non-rasi-dents be taxed higher than the lan^ or other property of residents. All the taws shall be submitted to the Conaresa ofthe United Stotes, and if disapproved stall be null and void" In California and New Mexico, it will be seen, that the people have no power whatever. The entire Legislative power it appointed by the President, who, being a slaveholder, will of couree select a Leg-islature which shall see tbkt slavery comes to no harm. In the words of the New York Globe: "The people of California and New Mexi-co are not even to have a delegate in Con-gress. They are taxed by American tariff laws, made by Congress, but are to have no representative to make known to Congress their views. Who but a slaveholder could ^ to New Mexico or California, should this bill become a law? It virtually excludes every freeman from selecting a home in those vast and fertile regions. Oregon may have its delegate on the floor ofthe House of Repre-sentatives at Washington, but our people who dare to go to the territories acquirer! from Mexico; the very men, perhapn, who fought the battles of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, Vera Crnz, Cerro Gordo, and in and about the city of Mexico, and who have their bounty land warrants located in the ter-ritory acouired by tue treaty of peace, can never nettle on their landis and enjoy the rights of frzemen so long as this bill shall be in force. The entire legislative power of these territo-ries would be divested of all amenability to the people for whom it ma4,e laws. Is this what is called leaving the question of slavery to the people of the territories ? It will be seen that the people have nothing to do with it They can make no law, nor repeal none that are made. They are doves them^ selves, and cannot olyect to the introductum tf negro daveryP Let this bill become a law. and from that moment the Slaveholders have gained every point for which they have been contending. They go there, as Calhoun and the advocates of slavery contend they have a right to do, "with their property," slaves. What then? That slaveholding Legislature, appointed by Mr. slavehold-ing President Polk, will, of course, de-clare slavery the law of the land. What more? The slaves held there, if they know their rights, and their masters will permit counsel lo assert them, may appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States^ a majority of whose judges are also slave-holders ! and nearly all the others dough-faces. Can it be that any sincere oppo-nent of slavery extension can favor so in-famous a "compromise?" And yet, such a bill is reported, with the sanction rfa Senator from Vermont I a man too, who talks for freedom. If we mistake not the spirit of the Green Mountain boys, they will talk to him in a voice not to be mis-understood. That this infamous, bastard "compro-mise," which is intended to abolish fVee-dom snd establish slavery, will pass the Senate, there can be but little doubt. How it may fare in the House, it is, perhapi, too early to predict with certain^. If it does pass, the friends of freedom hava a plain path before them. The ciy «f BEPBAL, which has already, ia antieipar tion of such an outrage, been nused by the Democracy of New Yorit, must he mag from one end of the Union to the otfier. War, uncompromising and nnrdcntiiig war, must be declared against daverji however and whenever odsdng. If dU Constitution cnnet proCeet fl«e temtefy
|Title||Charter Oak, 1848-08-03|
|Uniform Title||Charter oak (Hartford, Conn. : 1846)|
|Subject||Slavery -- United States -- Newspapers; Antislavery movements -- United States -- Newspapers; Hartford (Conn.) -- Newspapers|
|Description||Frequency: Weekly; Publication dates: New ser., vol. 1, no. 1 (Jan. 8, 1846)-v. 3, no. 52 (Dec. 28, 1848)|
|Collection||Newspapers of Connecticut|
|Source - Location||Connecticut State Library microfilm, AN104.H3 C63|
|Relation||Continues: Christian freeman (Hartford, Conn.) (DLC)sn 84025778 (OCoLC)10657256; Continues: Republican (Hartford, Conn.) (DLC)sn 84025785 (OCoLC)10703015|
|Relation-Is Part Of||Series title: Anti-Slavery newspapers|
|Publisher||Hartford [Conn.] : William H. Burleigh,|
|Rights||Digital Image © Connecticut State Library. All rights reserved. Images may be used for personal research or non-profit educational uses without prior permission. For permission to publish or exhibit, see Reproduction and Publication of State Library Collections, http://www.cslib.org/repropub.htm|
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