Charter Oak, 1848-08-03

              w
PUBUSHEO BY
W I L L I A M H. B C B L E I 6 H.
mo 17 STATS OTBET. K^BCTOEP. OOM.
T E R M S .
Two UoLUt* m AJCNOM—ftom wUek Fifty
Ceau will Iw dadueled if fwid sthcrijr im adruce.
r « o doUan lo Ci9 Subwriben. who isG«i«« tlw
mppr t>y the Catriei.
SINITIE mpica, FO«B CCMTS.
No diffmjioe wii be paid upon F.zcMnfea, Daily
•r Weekly.
No diseon:inuea Hi. all arrearacee an paid,
at thr oo^n of lh»! Publisher.
L«ipt» anc C^miinicaliona mim lie ad-to
the Pul.li^hrr, It7 Pott Pmtd.
Oir.-aiKMnlriita will lie pof niltrd to k|<Mk Iheir
••Ti Hen. nioimi (however wide.y ililTenitf from <«ir*)
upun tlirir own rrs|io«iiliilitjr—on these condiliuas,
(hat they mit. neither deeenCT, good EngliKh, nor
liawl taste, an.l p«c dieir Mune* to the Puliliahrr.
This kiat we m|uin fcr our mm aaliafftion—not'
W the public.
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.
A0TKBTISBIICKTS will lie ' isertcd at Iha follow-
•gialea:
Far oae •qaara, or 20 linea, three weeka, SI 00
" CuatmuaDoe each iiuettion, 20
* T n tinea at half aquare, three weaiw, 63
** C—tinuance eacu inaeitioii. 10
" Oae anuare • yew, - - 10 00
Oi aqtiara > Tear with pnnleft of
u « o
A N A N T I - S L A V E E Y
NEW SERIES.
From the Kational Enu
THE CRISIS.
BT JOHH O. WHITTIKB.
Aenaa the StoDjr Msnntaitu o'er the desert's dranth
and^MMl;'—
The circle* of onr empire tonch the Western
Ooean'e strand;
From slumberous Tinqwiiogas to Gila wild and
<h»e,
Flowing down the Nueva Leon on the California
Sea;
And from the motintains of the East to Santa Rosa's
shore,
The Eagles of MezUi shall beat the air no iflore.
Oh, Vale of Bio Bravo I let thy simple children
weep,
Close watch about their holy fire let muds of Pe-cos
keep;
Let Taos send ito cry across Sierra Madre's pla'nes.
And Algodoneo toll its bell amid its com and vines;
For lo! the pale land-seekers come with eager eyes
or gain.
Wide Ksatteringlike the bison herds on green Sala-da's
plain.
Let Sacramento's herdsmen heed what sound the
winds bring down
Of footsteps on (he crisping snows fhrni cold Neva-da*
crownl
Full hot and fast the Saxon rides, with rein of
travel slack,
And (tending o'er his saddle, leaves the snnrise at
his back;
By many a lonely river, and goige of fir and pine.
On many a wintry hill-top, his nightly camp fires
shine.
Oh, countrymen and brothers! that land of lake
and plain,
Of salt wa.-tes alternating with valleys fat with
grain.
Of mountains white with Winter looking down-ward,
cold, serene.
On their feet with Spring-vines tanked and lapped
with softest green,
Throtigfa whoi^ black volcuiic gateways, o'er many
a sunny vale.
Wind-like, the Arapahoe sweeps the bison's dtistr
traU!
Great spaces yet, tintraveled, great lakes whose
mjrstic shores
The Saxon rifle never heard, nor dip of Saxon
oars.
Great herds that wander all cm watched, wild steeds
that none have tamed.
Strange fish in unknown streams, and birds the
Saxon never named.
Deep mines, dark mountain crucibles, where Na-ture's
chemic powers
Work out the Great Designer^ will—«I1 Uiese ye
say are ours!
Forever ours! for good or ill—on us the bturden lies;
God's balance, watched by angels, is hung across
the skies.
Shall Justice, Truth and Freedom tam the poised
and trembling seal:?
Or shall the evil triumph, and robber wrong pre-x-
ail?
Shall the broad land o'er which our flag in stany
splendor waves
Forego throng us its fjeedom, and bear the tread
of slavest
The day is breaking in the East, of which the
prophets told,
And briglitens up the sky of Time the Christian's
Age of Gol<C-Old
Might to Right is yelding, batQe blade to
clerldy pen,
Earth's monarchs are her peoples, and her serfs
stand up as men;
The isles rejoice together in a day are nations bom.
And the slave walks free in Timis, and by Stam-boul's
golden hom!
bthis. ohconntrymen of mine, a day for u^ to sow
The soil of new-gained empire with Slavery's aeeds
of woe?
To feed with our fresh life4>lood the Old World's
cast-ofi' crime,
Dropped like some monstrous early bir&, from the
tired lap of Time?
To run anew the evil race the old lost nations ran.
And d 'e like them of tmbelief of God and wrong of
of man?
Great Heaven! is this our mission^ End in this the
prayers and teats,
The toil, the strife, the watchings of our younger,
better years?
StUI as the Old Werid roUs in light, shall ours in
shadow turn,
A beamleM chaos, cursed of God, through outer
darkness bome t
Where the far nations looked for light a blackness
in the air!
Where for words of Hope they listened, the long
wail of Despair!
The Crisis presses on us; face to &ce with us it
stands,
With solemn lips of question, like the Sphinx in
Egypt's sands!
This day we fashion Destiny, onr web of Fate we
spin;
This day for all hereafter, choose we Holiness or
Sin;
Even now from starry Gerizim, or Ebal's cloudy
crown.
We caU the dews irf'blessing, or the bolts of cursing
down!
By all for which the martyn bore thdr agony and
ahame;
By aU the warning words of truth with iduch the
prophet!) came,
By ttie future which awaits tis; by aU the hopes
which f»st
Their faint and tnmUing beams across the black-ness
of the past;
Aad in the awAil nuse of Him who for earth'*
freedom died;
<Mi ye people! oh my brothers! Irt lu chooae the
righteous side!
Po dian the Northern pioneer go on his way,
To WMl Penobwwt'a wtters to Sac Fiadaeo's Bay,
To Make t ^ ngnd plaees wtXh. tad sow tli^
veto wttn jgram,
And bear with L t t ^ and Uw, flie BiUe in Us
The mighty West shall bleas the East, and saa shall
aaawera^
GOB.
For the Charter Oak.
Brooklyn, JvU/ 22d, 1848.
Windam County Liberly Associatioa
met in this place, agreeable to notice.—
Owing to the busy season, there were not
as many present as we wished to see.—
Yet a goodly number came to th»» meet-ing;
enough, at least, to make it one of
more than usual interest. Our duties in
relation to the coming Presidential elec-tion
were discussed, at some length, by
most of the members present Some slight
diffi»«nces of opinion existed, as to what
our duties should be, under certain cir-cumstances
; but all were agreed, that no
man can receive our suffrages for Presi-dent
of the United Sutes, who is under-stood
to be opposed to our ultiuiato pur-poses.
The following, are among the Resolu-tions,
which were passed by the Associa-tion
:
Retained, That we hail with emotions
of gratitude, the uprising spirit manifest-ed
by a large portion of the Whig and
Democratic parties, in favor of free soil,
and the appearance of certain newspa-pers
devoted to freedom, which are ex-horting
all men to rally in opposition to
the wicked scheme of Southern slave-holders;
and we further pledge our hearty
co-operation in promulgating this princi-ple,
and to use our best exertions to sus-tain
those presses which have taken a
buid stand against the further extension of
slavery.
Resolved, That this Association ap-prove
of the sending a delegation of Lib-erty
men to the State Convention, lo be
held at Hartford, August 2nd, and also to
the National Mass Convention, to be held
at Buffalo, Aug. 9ih.
Another important resolution was pre-sented,
and after a lengthy discussion was
referred to a committee of three, with
instructions to correspond with Liberty
men in difierent sections, and report at a
future meeting, which will l>e called soon
after the Buffalo Convention, at which
pUce we hope to see the face of every
Liberty man in Windham County.
H. UAXXOND, Sec'jf.
MR HALE—THE NEW MOVEMENT.
What is denominated 'The New Move-ment,'
is assuming an impo.sing attitude,
which threatens to dissolve, to a very
considerable extent, the whig and demo-cratic
political organizations, into their
original elements, and lay the foundations
of a new political association, probably
temporary in Its duration, having, ibr its
prime object, the defeat of the Slave
Power, in its attempt to extend slavery
into the national territories. It is not
our present purpose to argue the propriety
of the Liberty partyjuining in such a com-bination,
but merely lu announce the fact,
that measures, tending to the partial dis-ruption
of old parties, and the organiza-tion
of a new one, fornyd out of their
fragments, are in progress, in all the Free
States, and are participated in by leading
Democrats and Whigs, and that a Na-tional
Convention for the nomination of
candidates on the basis of this union, is to
be held at Buffalo, on the 9th of August.
These facts are notorious, and therefore
it is wii« to examine them candidly, dis-cuss
them temperately, and look steadily
at their probable effects upon the Liberty
party and the countr}'. Waiving other
aspects of this question, it is obvious,that
if the Bu&lo Convention can present a
Presidential ticket, for which all the op-ponents
of slavery can consistently vote,
it is a consummation devoutly to be wish-ed.
We believe a candidate for the Pres-idency
can be named, who, though he
may not meet all the conceivable wishes
of every opponent of the slaveholding
oligarchy, will come nearer to it than any
other person who would be likely to ac-cept
the nomination of the Buffalo Con-vention.
We allude to John P. Hale; and
we will briefly state the grounds of our
opinion.
It is proposed that the new combination
shall be made up of Wilmot Proviso Dem-ocrats—
generally called 'Barnburners,'
Conscience, or Independent Whigs, and
that branch of abolitionists known as Lib-erty
men. Here are classes of politicians,
each having its marked peculiarities; and
though they may all agree on the great
issue of 'Free Soil, Free Labor, Free
Speech, and Free Men,' (the chosen
motto of the new movement) they differ
on many other important questions, and
have veiy strong prejudices in regard to
men. Is Mr. Ible the man upon whom
they can consistently and readily unite?
First, as to the DemocraU. Mr. Hale
was originally a Democrat, and belong-ed
to that branch of the party which was
specially friendly to Mr. Van Buren, and
sympathized with him in his opposition to
Texas annexation. After Mr. Hale was
nominated for re-election to Congress, by
the democratic party of New Hampshire,
in 1844, be peiibrmed certain acts in the
subsequent cession of 1844-5, in hostility
to the measure of annexation. For these,
be was proscribed by the leaders of his
party, in New Hampshire, and his name
stricken from the list of Congressional
candidates. The result of the contest
which followed, is well known. Mr-Hiile
triumphed. Now, these acts for which he
was proscribed, were participated in by
r B i i i e i P L B i i — P v i t P o i M .
ttm Cnrnnm OAK, wsttfl ssnt i i a i Ijr wmti'
ih» CiASTn sr n s B s n n ftnA As ipssp
« f T f m w f . K is a IVss. Piyr^i'aot' S
Amw) ftr. aO Wfcbis hat wkm W wmM av. »
stlsifteeiT- b w f f l a l M l i a M M s e f s a i^
lNa»fSr lowiy aid ^ tlwm
islo the Ass of aU waoa^ waalBiB ia pntpla M
>in|>IHi. sr ia « f i Ml sqwlorw , Tet^lhs^ i*
tas As aia. it Witt Ml hate thssis^sK. It
bs chisfj i ^ t i d to ths CSMS ^ LtasarT, sfl
toaOiac lafc^ailant politieal aeHapafUM Slsw
ly.but itwui wMT tha eoOar oTw Paiqr. & wiB
i la maka whoh, aot daaoUsh Goveiaaisiit.-t*
wieit its seeptia fim Oa hands of oiywaiMi, aol
loliraakit. b would aot put a ita^nad to Ckmcb
aad Stale, to paafy thai, hut araie Oa ' >9hs
whOa a wata tha vanaia thai am A i t m ^ —^
ItiTBSATuas, of a imttf, maaly sort, will haiv v
,|Jaeaheia,withaa that taada tawvd iHMa
'iMNi. Wa shall aeak aot to dhroita Iks •pintafFi*'
giess 6am tha saaaa ot Bsaaty but rathar aim to
wcdKeanamant toSefim—not fcn»ttiu^ howaas^
IQ use tha Sfcoega when Ufh-haadsd wirksdw
shall demand k. FMnag Evaata aad i n d PHaoi-plea,
the ti—isat Wawa,aad tha atawil L—a, A a l
iml a lecowl ia oar Papar; aad aanytliiv wWak
la>asat endaamt, goad will aad aoaaa aapariww
aaado.wiB bailliw|iiil,totoritoitwilBpmi toils
fiiaads, a hlisaiH t» H—aaitr. Md to oaisalias •
HARTFORD, CONN., THURSDAY, AUGUST 3, 1848.
Messrs. Rathbun, King, Wood, Wheaton,
Grover, and other democratic members
from the Sute of New York; and these
gentlemen are among the leading ' Barn-burners'
of that Slate. From that day.
they and their great leader, Silas Wright,
were marked for immolation by the Slave
Power of the country. They were not
openly proscribed, at the time, by the
Hunkers of New York, but they were se-cretly
branded as 'traitors.' There was
no immediate occasion for an open rup-ture
in New York, because the Congres-sional
eLsctions took place in November,
1844; whereas, in New Hampshire, they
occurred in March, 1845. In the former
case, the treason to the Slave Power was
manifested after the elections; in tfie lat-ter,
before. But, in the very next gener-al
election in New York, to wit, in Nov.
1846, Silas Wright, and as many of his
friends as the dagger of pro-slavery Hun-kerism
could reach, were stricken down,
because of the treason of 1845. Un-questionably,
had there been any oppor-tunity,
in 1845,to have proscribed Messrs.
Ratbbun, King, and their associates, the
same eff<irt to prostrate them would have
been made in New York, which was
made to trample down Mr. Hale in New
Hampshire. It was, therefore, owing
simply to the fact that the election in N.
York took place before the treasonable
acts of Ratbbun and his associates were
performed, whilst that of New Hamp-shire
occurred after those of Hale, that
the open breach, in the Democracy of the
latter State occurred tvyo years previous
to that in the former. Opposition to the
extension of slavery was the moving
cause of both. The Concord Convention
of 1845, which proscribed John P. llale,
split the democratic party of the Granite
State. The Syracuse Convention of 1847,
which proscribed John Van Buren, split
the democratic party of the Empire State.
Both produced political revolutions; and
the rallying ciy of the rebels ia each
was, 'Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Speech
and Free Men;' each prostrated the domi-nant
pro-slavery party of its State; and,in
each, the Whigs made some temporary
gains. John P. Hale was the first rebel—
the Granite Lion; John Van Buren was
the second rebel—the Empire Lion. We
never saw two political revolutions more
identical in character and consequences,
than these. The New Hampshire revo-lutionists
did not stop with prostrating the
ruling dynasty. They went forward, giv-ing
the lead to their principles, and fol-lowing
them lo their legitimate results,
till ihey reached an advanced position, in
the contest for human rights. The New
York revolutionists are treading the same
path, and with constantly accelerated
steps. Their early addresses, resolutions
and speeches, were cautious, full of ex-ceptions
and apologies. Their later are
bold, aggressive, hearty. Indeed, a re-cent
speech of John Van Buren, the re-port
of which we have seen, as revised
by himselC avows that the inevitable ten-dency,
and the cherished purpose of the
present 'Barnburner' agitation, is not
merely the restriction of slavery, but its
ultimate overthrow,throughout the Union.
Every abolitionist well knew, that if these
gentlemen continaed to write, and ta\k,
and act, ihey would reach the stage, at an
early day. We ask, then, what should
prevent the New York Independent De-mocracy,
and their friends in other States,
from nominating and supporting John P.
Hale for the Presidency? It is well un-derstood
in New York, that the 'Barn,
burners' sympathized with John P. Hale,
in the New Hampshire contests of 1845;
that some of their Journals openly appro-ved
his course; and only forbore to sus-tain
him throughout, because they were
not prepared to precipitate the crisis
which they saw approaching at home.—
And we have reason to believe, that many
ot their leading men applaud his general
course in the Senate, and only hesitate
about nominating him, on the score of
'availability.' They think Martin Van
Buren a stronger candidate.
Secondly, as to the Independent Whigs.
The strength of this party lies in New,
England, New York »nd Ohio. We feel'
the utmost confidence that Mr. Hale is
their favorite, among all the candidates
that would be likely to accept the Buffalo
nom'nation. He has frequently spoken
before audiences largely made up of this
party, in Maine, New Hampshire, Ver-mont,
Massachusetts and Connecticut—
and occasionally on their invitation. He
has been enthusiastically received by
them, and specially complimented in their
journals. His Senatorial career has ob.
tained their oft-repeated commendation.
We have good authority for saying, that
the same is true of the Independent Whigs
of New York; those who oppose Taylor,
on the ground of the Wilmot Proviso, and
mean td' act as they speak. The Whig
defection in the Empire State is rapid IT
spreading, and their first choice is John
P. Hale. As to Ohio and the West, he
has received many evidences of the warm
attachment of the Indepemlent Whigs of
that section of the country. And it will
be remembered, that the Columbus and
Worcester Free Soil Conventions, com-posed
mainly of Whigs, adopteil resolu-tions
highly eulogistic of the character
and services of Mr. Hale. We affirm,
then, that John P. Hale would receive a
larger number of wh|g votes, than any.
man whom the Deini>era(« oeuld as con-sistently
support. And We feel confident,
that he would, if nominated at Buffalo,
obtain more whig a ^ democratic votes
than any man who would permit the use
of his name.
Thirdly, as to the Liberty party. They
have already expressed their confidence in
Mr. Hale, in an authoritative form. Of
course,they would not rush to his support,
with any the less alacrity, because anoth-er
Buffalo Convention should resolve to
give him their confidence and votes.
The result at which we arrive, is, that
John P. Hale is the candidate most avail-able
for the advocates of 'Free Soil, Free
Labor, Free Speech, and Free Men,'
whether we regard his principles,his pub-lic
careeY, or his attractive popularity.—
Whether the Buflak> Convention will
so think, and therefore, nominate him,we
cannot conjecture. If they should, no se-rious
embarrassment could result to the
Liberty party, in any respect; whilst,
should they not, insuperable obstacles
will exist, to giving the nominee our sup-port.
Should the Buffalo Convention not
nominate Mr. Hale, but present candi-dates
fully representing the views of its
constituents, and give a high tone to its
proceedings, it will still be the duty of the
Liberty party to stand by Mr. Hale, so
long as he occupies his present position.—
Having placed him there, it must firmly
sustain him, till he ceases to be its nomi-nee.
Nothing can be plainer than this.—
Of one thing, we are certain: and that is,
that Liberty men can make no better dis-position
of their time and services, this
year, than in attending the Bu%lo Con-vention,
and urging the nomination of
Mr. Hale.—Emmdpator,
LETTER FROM HON. J. M. NILES.
[The New York •BambDmers' had a grand
demonstration in the Pfirk; on the afternoon of
the 18th ult, to respond to the nomination of
Martin Van Buren. It was estimated that from
fifteen to twenty thousimd^Hirsons were ^ at-tendance,
and ths TtiiSnne says, 'it was ^ne of
the most respectable and orderly assemblages
'e ever witnessed in New York.' Hon. Ste-phen
Allen presided, and addresses were made
by Hon. B. F. Butler, Hon. Martin Grover,
Mr. Montgomery Blair, of Missouri, (son of
F. P. Blair, Esq., editor of the Washington
Globe) and others. Letters were read from
several distiguished citizens—among them an
admirable one from the Hon. Mr. Niles, pub-lished
below.—ED. CHARTER OAK.]
WAsmNGTON, July 15,1848.
GENTLEMEN:—I had the honor to re-ceive
some days since, your letter of the
7th inst., inviting me to be present at, and
to addresss a meeting to be held on the
18th inst, in the city of New York, for the
of ratifying the nominatibn of
;in Van Buren for Uie Presidency, and
contributing to the extension of Free Soil
and the perpetuation of Free Labor.
Concurring fully in the object of your
meetipg, and with a high estimate of the
eminent qualifications of the distinguished
citizen whose nomination is to be consid-ered,
did I feel justified in leaving my of-ficial
duties here for any similar purpose,
it would afford me great pleasure to be
present on an occasion of so much inter-est,
not only to your State, but to the
whole country.
The course of pablic affairs, for some
years past, has had a tendency to bring a
great crisis upon the country, apparently
somewhat sectional in its character, but
not really so, as it involves a great prin-ciples
of personal freedom, in connection
with that of Free Soil, the maintenance
of which, in its greatest extent, cannot
fail of Hdding to the strength, the prosper-ity,
and the greatness of the Republic and
all its parts.
The Slave Power, being an exclusive
or monopoly interest, and in n» small de-gree
an incongruous and hostile element
in our political system, has been steadily
gaining strength, until it has greatly dis-organized
the origiiud adjustment of pow-er
; and encouraged by success and the
yielding and subservient spirit in the Free
States, it is now making a bold effort to
secure the complete control of this other-wloe
free republic. Having been numer-ically
the weaker power, it has hitherto at-tained
its ends, by superior political tact
and management, as it is the very instinct
of any exclusive interest to be ever vigil-ant,
ever activc in strengthening and for-tifying
itself. Like all other weaker
powers, as aristocracy or hierarchy, it has
accomplished its ends by the unity of its
own purposess and by-deriding the strong-er
power. Its skill and success in this has
a striking example in the annexation of
Texas. It was evident that the Slave
States could not accomplish this measure
by their own strength; and when it was
first brought to a test in the form of a
treaty, it received very little support from
the Free States. It then became evident
that the case required the most adroit
management, which was exhibited in giv-isg
to the measure, not only a national but
a party character, and bringing it into
the Presidential Election. This accom-plished
a double purpose; it disposed of
the Northern candidate for the Presiden-
I cy, and insured the success of the meas-ure.
And, when it was- oonsnmmated,
the princif^ agents in it did not hesitate
to admit that the original purpose and ob-ject,
and which was never lost sight of,
was to strengthen and extend the inter-ests
of Slavery. This measure, carried
though by the co-operation of the De-mocracy
of the North, acting from nation-al
considerations, or constrained by party
obligations, brought into the Confederacy,
prospectively, four SUve States, with a
territoiy of three hundred thousand square
miles.
These measures, so skillfully and suc-cessfully
accomplished, excited some alarm
in the Free States, and two years ago,
when the Three Million bill was introdu-ced
to aid in the negotiation of peace and
the acquisition of t^ritory, a proposition
was offered by way of amendment, that
the territory which might be acquired,
shall be forever free from Slavery. This
bill, with the proviso, passed the House of
Representatives; and it also passed the
second time, at the last session of Con-gress.
This onion and determination of
the Free States to resist the farther ex-tension
of Slavery called forth all the en-ergies
of the Slave power to defeat the
purpose. The example of Texas was not
forgotten, and it was resolved to defeat the
proviso, by carrying the question into the
election, and making the extension of Slav-ery
a political test Accordingly the South
assumed that to res'st the extension of
Slavery, was an invasion of their consti-tutionad
rights, presented not only a unit-ed
but a bold front, little short of defiance
to all of the Free States. The Legisla-ture
of many of the latter had adopted
resolutions expressing a decided opinion
against the farther extension of Slavery.
These proceeding were met not only by
counter-resolutions, but by bold and sol-emn
enactments by several of- the Slave
States, "that under no circumstances would
they recognize as binding any enactment
by the F^eral Government which has for
its object the prohibition of Slavery in any
territory to be acquired either by conquest
or treaty;" and to give more force to this
declaration, and to carry the question into
the Presidential election, they also de-clare,
in the same form of legislative en-actments,
that "we pledge ourselves not
to support at the ensuing Presidential
election, any man for the Presidency or
Vice-Presidency, who is not atowedly op-posed
to the principles of the Wilmot
Proviso." The same identk»l resolutions
were passed by the Legislature of Vir-ginia,
South Carolina and Alabama, show-ing
a concert of action and purpose. The
resolutions of the other Southern States
did not assume quite as strong ground.
These resolutions of the Legislatures of
the States referred to, were folloi^ed up,
and the same principles and purposes re-affirmed
by the Democratic State Conven-tions
in Virginia and Alabama, and in
nearly the same language. These enact-ments
and proceedings threatened a nulli-fication
of an act of Congress, should one
be passed restraining Slavery in the ter^
ritories; and they were, to all intents and
purposes, a dissolution of both of the pol-itical
parties which then existed, by the.
separation of the Southern fh>m the North-em
division. These declarations were
made, and these positions assumed, after
nearly all the members of Congress, both
Whigs and Democrats, from the Free
States had voted for the Proviso, and af-ter
ten of those States had adopted, in
their Legislatures, resolutions affirming
the principles of the Ordinance of 1787.
The position assumed by the Democrats
of the States named, was equivalent to a
declaration, in express terms, that they
could no longer act with their Northern
brethren, bemuse they differed in regard
to the main issue which was to enter into
the election. Had the Democracy of the
Free States acteu with proper self-res-pect,
they would have declined to take
any farther measures in relation to a Na-tional
Convention; for nothing could be
more absurd than for a body of men to
assemble together, to nominate a candi-date
for the support of all, when they were,
in nearly equai numbers, directly opposed
to each other, in respect to the principal
issue upon which the election of the can-didate
was to depend.
The Southern division of this party, in
declaring that they considered the exten-sion
of Slavery more important than all
others, and thnt thf^y would support no
candidate who differed from them on that
question, separated themselves from their
political brethren in the Free States, and
became a mere sectional party, whose
only object was to advance the interests!
of Slavery.
This is a brief but plain statement of the
origin and causes of the existing division
in the Democratic party, and from which
the difficulties in the Convention at Balti-more,
were a necessary consequence. How
could it be expected that men could act
harmoniously together, who entertained
directly opposiste opinions upon the main
question which was the subject of their
action ? How can two walk together un-less
they be agreed ?
The Democrats of the North had assert-
^ a principle, but they did not make it a
test; they did not declare that they would
support no man for the Presidency who
did not agree with them on that question.
But the Southern divisira of the
make a new issue on the extension of Slav-ery,
and make it a test issue. What was
their object in this, fbr it seems, that they
did not really intend to sepi^e them-selves
from the p i ^ with which they
acted ? The subject cannot be mistaken.
It was a repetition of the Texas scheme;
it was to carry the question of extension
of Slavery into the election, and to coem
the Nortliem Democracy to unite with
them on this new issue; to nominate a
candidate with reference to it, tmd should
be be elected, it would, of courw, be claim-ed
that the people had decided the ques-tion.
It aims to commit the whole De-mocratic
party of the Union to the doe-trine
of the propagandism of Slavery over
thb continent.
To accomplish this object, the agents of
the Slave power, have resorted to brow-beating,
denunciation, ridicule and every
species of annoyance to coerce the Demo-crats
of the North to seek repose in the
relinquishment of their opinions. And as
to the Government here being in the
hands of the Slave power, its whole in-fluence
has been brought to bear on this
question which has pr^uced a state of in-tolerance,
disgracefbl in a free country.
Of tl\,e five hundred officials here, the
greater portion have been the avowed ad-vocates
of slavery propagandism, and the
residue, if entertaining different opinimis
have been discreet enough to suppress
them.
In the face of thes* facts, a charge is
made against the Nonh, and more partic-ularly
against the Democracy of New
York oi a design to organize a sectional
party, on a single principle, that of oppo-sition
to the extension of Slavery. The
resistance of a desire to commit the whole
Democratic party of the Union, to the in-terest
and purposes of the Slave power, is
characterized as a base attempt to en-croach
upon the rights of the Slave States.
For the North to persist in the opposition
to the farther extension of Slavery, is
deemed a veiy alarming state of things,
and dangerous to the Union. But for
the South tO( mite in support of Slavery
and for its extension over this continent
is very proper. One is a sectional party,
the other is a National one; the union of
the people of the North in support of Lib-erty,
will endanger the Union, but the
unity of the South for the support and ex-tension
of Slavery, tends to strengthen
and uphold our free institutions.
I f a crisis shall be brought upon the
country, it will be from the pretensions
and designs of the Slave Power which
seems at last to have alarmed the Free
States, and to have called forth a deter-mined
spirit of resistance. Nor is this
spirit confined to the Free Statcs,4ls vast
numbers at the South do not favor the
farther extension of S l a v ^.
It is fortunate for the country that at
such a crisis a man could be found so pre-eminent
for ability, so distinguished for a
union of elevated qualities—experience,
sagacity, firmness, moderation and purity
of character, as Mr .Van Buren, on whom
all can unite who are honestly opposed to
the Grovemment of this great republic
being converted into ^n instrument to ad-vance
the interests of Slavery.
There are few individuals who have had
better opportunities to estimate the char-acter
of this eminent citizens than myself,
associated with him, as I have been for
many years, in different departments of
the Government. Circumstances may be
adverse to his success. But called, as he
is, from his retirement, by the spmitaneous
action of the people, at a time of agitation
and alarm', when old organizations are
breaking up from a decay or abandonment
of their principles, his election, could, m
my judgment, hardly fail of removing dis-quietude,
of restoring confidence to the
public councils, and of giving a safe and
wise direction to the domestic and foreign
policy of the government.
am, very respectfully, yours,
JOHN M. NILES.
Messrs. John Cocheran, Eugene Casserly,
Committee, &c.
CASS AND TAYLOR COMPROMISE.
As might have been expected after the
harmonious sacrifice of free principles,
which distinguished the Philadelphia and
Baltimore Conventions, an infkmous coun-terpart
has been hatched in the Senate at
Washington. Week before last, John M.
Clayton, a Taylor Whig from Delaware,
rose in his place and moved to stop the
debate on the Oregon bi 1, and appoint a
tcompromise committee," to whom should
be referred the whole question of organ-izing
territorial governments in Oregon,
New Mexico and California. This mo-tion
|iassed, whereupon the following Sen
ators were chosen by ballot to constitute
said committee:
Free Staie T«yh>r Whigs,
Free State Cass Hunkersi
Phelps of Vt
Clarke of R.I.
Bright of Ind.
Diekinnao *, N. Y.
C l a ^ n o f D eL
Unoerwood, Ky.
Atchison ot Mo.
J.C. Calboun,&C.
Slave StateTaylor Whigs,
Slave Sute Cats Honker,
Independent Taylorite,
It needed no prophet to foretell the char-acter
of the "compromise" for which s
a committee would stand godfather,
only two of them who ever made
VOL. III. NO. 31.
smallest pretence to anti-slavery, are
Phelps and ClaAe. Bright and ttekin-lonarethe
mnst if
ihe Wilmot Proviso to be ibimd
wuhtry, either Nmlk or
Accordingly, last week, l l r . Clayton re-ported
a long bill, in behalf of the com-mittee,
(Mr. Clarke and Mr. Underwood
only dissenting) to organize territorial gov-ernments
in Oregon, California and New
Mexico. There are featured to this bill
which are a disgrace to the age and coun-try
in which we live. It provides f«r a
Governor and local Legisbrture for Ore-,
gnn only : subjecting California and New
Mexico, in fact, to the control of the Pres-ident.
Section 6 relating to Oregon and
the legislative power of the territory,
says:
"And be it further enacted, that the Legis-lative
power ofthe territory shall extend to aU
rightful subjtds of legislation amsislent with
the Conditutim of the Uniled States and the
provisions of this act; but no law shaltbe
passed interfering with the primary disposal of
the soil; no tax shall be imposed upon the
proMfty of the United States; nor shall th^
lands or other property of non-residents be
taxed higher than the lands or other property
of residents. AU the laws paxKd 6y the
Legidatiw Assentb^ shall be mbmitud to the
Congress of the UniUd States, and if dm^
proved hy them shaU be null and void."
Such is the legislative power of Ore-gon.
Now we will give that of California
and New Mexico. It is the same in both
cases, so that publishing one of them will
suffice:
"1 And be it further enacted, that the lea*
islative power of said territory shall, unSl
Congress shall otherwise provide, be vested m
the Governor, Secretary, and Judges of the Sur
mreme Court, who» or a majority of them, shall
have power to pm any law for the adminis-tration
ofjustice in said territory, which shall
not be repugnant to this act, or inconsistent
with the laws and Constitution ofthe United
States. Bat no law shall be passed inter-fering
with the prima^ dispoeal of the soU,
respecting an establishment of religion, or
respecting slavery; and no tax shall be imposed
upon the property of the United States, nor
shall the lands, or other property of non-rasi-dents
be taxed higher than the lan^ or other
property of residents. All the taws shall be
submitted to the Conaresa ofthe United Stotes,
and if disapproved stall be null and void"
In California and New Mexico, it will
be seen, that the people have no power
whatever. The entire Legislative power
it appointed by the President, who, being
a slaveholder, will of couree select a Leg-islature
which shall see tbkt slavery comes
to no harm. In the words of the New
York Globe:
"The people of California and New Mexi-co
are not even to have a delegate in Con-gress.
They are taxed by American tariff
laws, made by Congress, but are to have no
representative to make known to Congress
their views. Who but a slaveholder could ^
to New Mexico or California, should this bill
become a law? It virtually excludes every
freeman from selecting a home in those vast
and fertile regions. Oregon may have its
delegate on the floor ofthe House of Repre-sentatives
at Washington, but our people who
dare to go to the territories acquirer! from
Mexico; the very men, perhapn, who fought
the battles of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma,
Monterey, Vera Crnz, Cerro Gordo, and in
and about the city of Mexico, and who have
their bounty land warrants located in the ter-ritory
acouired by tue treaty of peace, can
never nettle on their landis and enjoy the rights
of frzemen so long as this bill shall be in force.
The entire legislative power of these territo-ries
would be divested of all amenability to the
people for whom it ma4,e laws.
Is this what is called leaving the question
of slavery to the people of the territories ? It
will be seen that the people have nothing to
do with it They can make no law, nor repeal
none that are made. They are doves them^
selves, and cannot olyect to the introductum tf
negro daveryP
Let this bill become a law. and from
that moment the Slaveholders have gained
every point for which they have been
contending. They go there, as Calhoun
and the advocates of slavery contend they
have a right to do, "with their property,"
slaves. What then? That slaveholding
Legislature, appointed by Mr. slavehold-ing
President Polk, will, of course, de-clare
slavery the law of the land. What
more? The slaves held there, if they
know their rights, and their masters will
permit counsel lo assert them, may appeal
to the Supreme Court of the United States^
a majority of whose judges are also slave-holders
! and nearly all the others dough-faces.
Can it be that any sincere oppo-nent
of slavery extension can favor so in-famous
a "compromise?" And yet, such
a bill is reported, with the sanction rfa
Senator from Vermont I a man too, who
talks for freedom. If we mistake not the
spirit of the Green Mountain boys, they
will talk to him in a voice not to be mis-understood.
That this infamous, bastard "compro-mise,"
which is intended to abolish fVee-dom
snd establish slavery, will pass the
Senate, there can be but little doubt. How
it may fare in the House, it is, perhapi,
too early to predict with certain^. If it
does pass, the friends of freedom hava
a plain path before them. The ciy «f
BEPBAL, which has already, ia antieipar
tion of such an outrage, been nused by the
Democracy of New Yorit, must he mag
from one end of the Union to the otfier.
War, uncompromising and nnrdcntiiig
war, must be declared against daverji
however and whenever odsdng. If dU
Constitution cnnet proCeet fl«e temtefy