Charter Oak, 1848-07-13

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W I L L I A M H. B U K L E I 6 H .
m o s r S T A T E S T B E 8 T , K A X X F O B D , OOMR.
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^AN A N T I - S L A V ICR
NEW SEIIIES.
For the Charter Oak.
THOMAS OORWIN.
FRIEND BUBLEIGH :—Sitting, to-day,
in that old arm chair, from wbich you re-ceived
two or three letters, awhile ago,
nothing conies 80 readily as tlioughts of
tliis {pMitleman. Therefore I can do
nothing better than to wnte some of them.
How many human hearts yearn for the
• great man,—long to reverence and fol-low
tbe gr<'at man. How many human
hearts, stirred liy some heavenly impulse,
look every way to see ihe great man come
to lead them,—the great man, with a soul
like the sun, and a voice like the trump
of maji.'siy. They catch at every like-ness
of a sun-glt am, hurry to every shrine
where the idol to appear,—and, how
ofU'n they find the shrines dark and the
idols clay!
There are hearts in this land, that were
beginning to hope they should find a great
man in Thomas Corwin. He had a glo-rious
impulse in the Senate, one day, and,
thereupon, made a speech against the
Mexican war. True, this speech mani-fested
no very wonderful greatness of in-tellect.
It did not make one tliink of deep
seas, n T of mighty thunders, nor of the
stars moving in their courses. It had not
the true minor key of a great TOUI. But
it was eloquent. It came from one of the
best impulses he ever felt, and it stirred
the people. There was joy in the land
among many who had been sad.
Some began to say, " Ab here we shall
find the great leader, who will gather the
friends of Right into an army."
Others replied, "He says good things;
he may go up and take his place among
the true princ<»s;—let us wait and see
what he will do."
We have waited. We have seen how
^it is with the man. He spoke well; but
the reverberations of his voice have fright-ened
him, and since that day, he has
scarcely used it In fact, some say he
ha' done nothing since but whisper, and
wait for a ^ood opportunity to look South
and protest, that after all, his soul is not
his own.
Last Spring, when the Whigs were
mightily afraid of their manoeuvring ad-versaries,
and very anxious to succeed in
the election in this State, they sent him
to make speeches to our people. The
managers rightly conjectured that Anti-
Slavery men, recollecting his speech in the
Senate, would be anxious to hear him, and
predisjiosed to be persuaded by him. I
think the friends of the slave, recollecting
that manoever, and the results of it, will
henceforth, be more wary of the "Greeks
bearing gifts." That contemptible Tru-man
Smith, will keep their memory of it
very fresh, for six years at least.
It was my fortune to have a short inter-view
w ith Mr. Corwin, during which. I
thanked him for his spcch against the
Mexican war, and expressed the hope that
he had not done speaking in that way in
the Senate. He said he,was glad I "liked
the tiling," and immediately turned the
conversation to another topic. Some-thing
in his manner seemed to say, " I am
afraid of being s{>oiled as a candidate for
the Presidency." I heard one of his
speeches. He follwed General Wilson of
JS'ew Hampshire, who had s{>oken capital-ly.
We were all impatient to hear Cor-.
win, and when he spoke, we were all dis-a{>|
ointed.
"He is not well—^he is not in the vein
—but l>e is a great man," sitid one.
"He had some fine touches; his wit is
admirable," said another.
" I could not hear; he was all the time
whispering to tlie ladies," said a third.
"Tliey say he made a great speech at
New Haven," said a fourth.
"Did he coiiie all the way from Wash-ington
to deliver such trash as this?"
thought I ; but my prejudice in his favor
whispered, " He is a mighty man, never-theless."
Tlie truth was, I could not get the
faintest vision of a great, or even an earn-est
man. The atmosphere around him,
gave no sign of a great man's presence in
it. He spoke something for the ears of
his Anti-Slavery auditors; but there was
no token of a man, who, from his soul,
does battle with the Slave Power. He
can not afibrd to be a great man, and he
seems to lack the necessary elements. His
soul has not that force, that courage, that
steady light, that invincible purpose, and
unselfish ambition, whicJi are indispensa-ble
to true greatness.
He was reared in a free State, where
tliere are good men; but be is little or
nothing more than the spoiled favorite of
politick coiiventions. He may be great
as a very polite, xery accompli^ed politi-cal
blackguard. (I use this term in the
most ami^le sense it will bear.) They
say he can be great on the stump. He is
nowise liable to be great in tbe Senate.
He will never lead public opinion. He
will never be named among tbe heroes,
who fight in that battle, where tbe divine
copee^with darkness. Ob ! hearts sincere
and true, that long for the great leader!
ye are turning away from this incama-tiou
of enptr aonnd ; ye are searching
ekewbere. Tliere is one brave man in the
Senate, whom slaveiy's hangman cannot
scare. Cherish him, and se^ not among
Ihe MBildns.
Corwin, it is said, bas hastened to give
ia his adhession to General Taylor. Did
be think a'his speech in the Senate, and
bum himself in effigy, before be did so ?
He said, incidentally but distinctly, in tbe
.•peech I heard from him last Spring, that
the only important issue befote the peo-ple,
was that between freedom and slave-dom.
His ready oath of allegiance to
Taylor, shows which side be takes. How
can he kneel in the blood-puddles around
that gory chief of slavedom's marauders,
and look a man in the face afterwards ?
How cau he take the s'.ump for that prince
of butcherdom, and avoid terrible ague
fits of self-loathing? CLARENCE.
UNCONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLA-VERY
IN THE DIST.'OF COLUMBIA.
BY LYSANDER 8POONEB.
Admitting for the sake of the argument,
what is not true in fact, that slavery has a
constitutional existence in the Slates, it is
nevertheless, unconstitutional in the Dis-trict
of Columbia,for the following reasons:
All delegated power, to which no other
limit is expressed, isflimited to the accom-plishment
of the specific objects for which
the power is grauled.
The objects, for the accomplishment «f
which, the powers of the general govern-ment
were granted, are declared, in the
preamble of the Constitution, to be, • to
form a more perfect union, establish jus-tice,
insure domestic tranquility, provide
fur the common defence, promote the gen-eral
vvel!ia,re, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity.'
This preamble is as much the pream-ble
to that clause of the Constitution,
which grants Congress legislative power
over the District ; f Columbia, as it is to
the rest of the Constitution; and it as
much defines and limits the legislative
power of Congress over the District, as it
does any of their legislative powers. Sto-ry
says, 'the true office of tbe preamble
is to expound the nature, and extent, and
application of the powers actually con-ferred
by the Constitution.' (1 Storif's
Comm. 445.) This it does by declaring
the objects for the accomplishment of
which the powers were granted.
Congress, therefore, would have had no
power lo legalize slavery in the District,
even though no express prohibition had
been laid upon them to do so. But ex-press
prohibitions are, nevertheless, laid
upon them, as follows:
All the general prohibitions laid upon
the power of Congress, apply as much to
their power within the District of Colum-bia,
as to their power out of it.
For example—tbe prohibition that *no
title of nobility shall be granted by tbe
United States,' is as much a limitation
upon the power of Congress within the
District as out of it.
Of the same character are these several
prohibitious, to wit, that *B0 bill of at-luiuder
or expost facto law, shall be pass-ed;'
that 'no person shall be held to an-swer
for a capital or otherwise infamous
crime, unless on a presentment or indict-ment
of a grand jury,' &c.; 'nor shall any
person be subject lo be twice put in jeop-aidy
of life or limb: nor be compelM, in
any criminal case, tc be a witness against
himself; * * nor shall private property
be taken for public use without just com-pensation;'
that * excessive bail shall not
be required, nor excessive tines imposed,
nor cruel and unusual punishments in-flicted.'
All these provisions areas much restric-tions
upon tbe power of Congress within
the District, as out of it. Probably no
one will for a moment deny this proposi-tion.
Let us, then, look at some other prohi-bitions,
having special reference to per-sonal
Utterly.
•The privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus shall not be suspended, unless
when, in oases of rebellion, or invasion,
the public safely may require it.'—Art. 1,
Ste.9.
The writ of habeas corpus necessarily
denies the right of property in man, else
tbe writ could always be defeated by
pleading property, and giving possession
in proof. Congress having no constitu'
tional power lo suspend this writ arbitra-rily
in the District, this provision is ne-cessarily,
a constitutional denial that sla-very
can be legal in the District.
Slavery can be made legal only by a
suspension of the writ of habeas corftus,
so far as the persons to he enslaved are
concerned. Indeed slave laws, whatever
they may be in form, are in fact, liule or
nothing else than a suspension of the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, as
to certain individuals. Slave laws do not
of themselves, reduce any one lo slavery.
They do not, require one man lo reduce
another to slavery. They simply ;>ermt7
him to do it, by refusing lo the enslaved
person the benefit of tbe writ of habeas
corpus; thus leaving him at ibe mercy of
his oppressor, who, by individual force,
compels him to serve him.
If Congress can arbitrarily suspend tbe
writ of habeas corpus in Ibe case of one
individual in tbe District, they can arbi-trarily
suspend it in the case of all per-sons
without distinction, and sufier the
strong to reduce tbe weak to servitude,
without any discrimination of persons.
Again: The amendments lo the Gmsti-tution
provide that * Congress shall make
no laws abridging the freedom of speech,
. r m o B » i . « i ..
r B I l l C I P K K l ~ P V B F O g n .
FAM; LY NEWSPAPER
H M CHASNA OAK, WSOLD MM I 7 MMT-i
a ( tha CHABTU or HIS BIAARS bom tlw ( MR
of Tyrarjqr. It ia • Fm» Pmrr-not tkMeibca a
chaimel for all bafabk—bat lAat it would it
•XII aay freely. It will ataod ia defenaa of all ri^
however lowly and dowa-tradden, and throw reboka
into the iaea at all wfoag, waalkar ia pnrplo aad
biaSdcloth, or in lags aad aqoalor. Yal, llwaglt >t
•mites the sin, it will BOt hate the aimier. It wtM
lie chiefly devoiad to Uw eauae of LmsTT, ad
voiatinf iDdepondent political actum against Sia*«
ry, but it win wear the collar of 00 Party. It will
aim to make whole, not demolish Government,—to
wieat its sceptre from the hands of oppraaaors, not
lo lireak it It wonld not put a firebrand to Chmek
ami State, to pnrify them,—bnt spare tiie tempks
while it roata the vermin that are thronging them.
I.ITHATDBS, of a hearty, manly sort, will have its
|iliu« here, with all that tenda toward human eleva
lion. We shall seek not to divorra the spirit of Pro.
giiias from the sense of Beauty—but rather aim ta
wcil Kefinement to Reform—not forgetting, however,
lo use the scourge when high-hsnded wickedness
shall demand it. Passing Events and fixed Prind
pks, the transirat News, and the eternal Lawa, ahaB
liiHl a record in our Paper; aad everything whick
laioest endeavor, good will and aome
ima do, win bo aWampted, to mako it walcoma U> its
frianda, a Uaaaing to
•Maite of an hoM«
HARTFORD, GONN., THURSDAY, JULY 13, 1848. VOL.
l ^ t o H j i ga^a d to ouiaeltaa •
28.
or of the press, or the right of tbe people
peaceably to assMible and peUtioa the
government for a redress of grievances,'
that 'the right of the people to keep and
bear arms shall not be infringed;'that
Hhe right of the people to be secure in
their persons, houses, papers, and effects,
against unreasonable searches and sei-zures
shall not be violated,' &«.
These prohibitions all apply to the
power of Congress within the District of
Columbia; and they all imply personal
liberty on the part of the people.
Again: If Congress can legalize slave,
ryin the District of Columbia, in defiance
of tlie-foregoing principles, they can also
legalize it in 'all places•t)urchascd by tbe
consent of the legislature of the State in
which the same shall be, for the erection
of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards,
and other needful buildings,' (including
custom-houses, post offices, court houses,
"fee.) even though such places be situate
within the limits of a free State; for the
Constitution expreitsly provides that Con-gress
shall have power ' to exercise like
authority over all (such) places,' as over
the ten miles square. If, therefore. Con-gress
can make a slave of any body in
tbe District of Columbia, there is no es-cape
from the conclusion that they can
make slaves of any and every body who
may ventuie within a fort, arsenal, dock-yard,
custom house, post office, or court
house, owned bj' the United States, and
purchased wiih the consent of the Legis-lature
of the State in which the same may
be. Ifthe foregoing doctrines be true, there
is no legal slavery in the District of Co-lumbia.
Not only so, but all slaves, who
have ever been brought from the States
into the District, have thereby been made
legally free. Still further. Allslaveses-caping
from tbe States into the District,
thereby become legally free. The consti-tutional
provision for the delivery of fugi-tives
'from labor or service'—(admitting,
what is not really the fact, that it applies
to slaves in any case)—applies only to
those who escape from one State into an-other
State; not to those who escape from
a State into the District.
THE LEAST OF TWO EVILS.
There is no more blasphemous senti-ment
than that which is forever calling
men to forsake the path of duty and follow
after that "unknown God," familiarly
termed "the least of two evils." And yet
no sentiment b oftener on the lips of men
who profeu regard for truth, duty and
right. The least of two evils! Who ever
saw this almost universal divinity ? What
devoted follower was ever saved by its
power? We confess, we have faith in np
such god. "The least of two evils" is a
devil; and, if not Beelzebub the prince of
devils, is at least a devil whose name is
Legion. No man ever followed him but
to destruction. No man ever will. Men
will, we trust, sometimes leam that there
is no good but Right; that there is no
good worth purchasing at the sacrifice of
duty, consistency and honor. When they
shall learn this, they will cease to talk of
choosing "tbe h-ast of two evils." The
true man will trust in God and Right, and
take no evil upon himself out of fear that
tbe devil may send a greater. There is
no greater evil than apostacy and treach-ery
to one's honest convictions. There is
no good which can compensate a man for
polluting his soul in the embraces of vice,
oppression and wrong. Let every man
do his duty, and he shall thereby not only
do tbe greatest good in his day and gene-ra
ion, but be will also most surely receive
the greatest good to his own soul.
To choose -'the least of two evils" is to
serve the least of two devils. It is to for-sake
God, Duty, Truth, Right and trust
in that which wars against all these.
None but a practical Atheist will ever do
it. God is great—truth is mighty, and
he who trusts in these need have no fear.
He who believes in them will trust in
them; and, ^sting in them, he will be
true to duty,'never doubting that God, in
whose hands are all consequences, will be
true to him. If it be ever necessary to
violate principle, conscience, duty—if it be
ever right to do wrong, then there is no
God that "rules in Heaven and among tbe
inhabitants of tbe Earth." Then is Truth
a lie, and Right an ignis fatuus to light
the sons of men to death. Wherefore, O
Man! whosoever thou art, be true to tbe
light that is in thee. Be true to duty.
Trust in God, and know that wrong-doing
will never save thee nor serve thy coun-try.
Think not to please God by serving
any devil, albeit he be a small devil, and
ask but little at thy hands.—Ind. Dem.
THE POUTICAL CAMPAIGN.—One of onr
temperance exchanges, winds up an article,
designed to cool down tbe ebullition! of party
spirit, with the following rhetorical flourishes:
To the great masses of both parties we^
have only to say, in conclusion, that Ihe coun-*
try is safe-^rftctly satis. Tbe election of a
Whig or a ^mocrat will have no perceptible
influence upon either tlie falls of the NiMgara,
tbeciiealationof John Donkey, or the gene-ral
prosperity of tbe nation. Our course is on-want,
and under the benign influence of sim-ple
Republican institutions, the great interests
of industry will be borne bouyant upon tbe
tide of success, whether ' federalism' or 'loeo-focoism'
deals out the spoils at Washin^on or
ministers to the greedy maw of 'patriotism'
from the shsmbles of the Philadelphia and
New York custom houses.
ADDEESS TO THE FRIENDS OF
LIBERTY.
In view of the approaching Presiden-tial
election, the undersigned, members of
the Executive Committee of the American
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, beg
leave to o%r some considerations to the
friends of impartial liberty. They do it,
not in the spirit of dictation, but wi'h tbe
hope of preserving Ihe unity, a:.d promo-ting
the effic ent action of those associa-ted
with them, and of gaining the co-oper-ation
of all who prize the Constitution of
our country, who value our civil and reli-gious
iitslitutions, and who desire to act on
Christian principles, in the great work of
overthrowing .\merican slavery.
It is a subject of devout thanksgiving
to God that experience has demonstrated
the soundness of the doctrines of a large
majority of the Abolitionists of Great
Britain and the United States, that they
are consistent with the best interests of
mankind, in accordance with true philoso-phy
and pure Christianity; that Ihe mea-sures
adopted to communicate these impor-tant
truths to the people of this country,
with a view to bring about the peaceful
Abolition of Slavery, have been so con-sistent
with these principles; and that
these doctrines and measures have been
so signally overruled and blessed in fur-therance
of the cause of Emancipation,
Republican Liberty, and Christian Free-dom.
Reflecting men can see that, amid
all the opposition, violence, threats, and
machinations of slaveholders and their
abettors, the cause of Liberty has steadily
advanced, and is about to be brought to a
glorious consutninalion. And it ought to
inspire the people of this country with
gratitude, that such a niomentous moral
reformation, affecting the temporal and
eternal welfare of millions of peo-ple,
in this and coming generations, is
to te achieved al no greater sacrifice. So
deeply involved were Ihe people of this
country in the guilt of oppression and pre-judice,
that probably nothing /short of
murders under lynch law, proliigate^x-penditures
of life and property, war, rob-bery
and conquest, and audacious attempts
lo defend, extend, and perpetuate slavery,
would have aroused tbe people of the free
States to a consideration of impending
danger, and inspired them with a deter-mination
to avert it. Much as the un-constitutional
annexation of Texas, with the
consequent war with JVIexico, is deplored,
this great calamity and ineffaceable Na-tional
reproach will, we doubt not, be
overruled for tbe downfall of tbe politi-cians
who perpetrated the enormous evil,
and for the arrestation and overthrow of
American shivery, for which the annexa-tion
and war were perfidiously brought
about. *He taketh the wise in their oun
craftiness. Surely the wrath of man shall
praise thee: the remainder of wrath shalt
thou restrain.'
Thanks to an overruling Providence,
the great body of the people of the free
States are beginning to see that their
rights and liberties are in jeopardy, and
that bands of patriotic and resolute men
are standing aloof from their political par-ties
and vowing eternal hostility lo the
extension of slavery. We see in these
auspicious events that the Almighty has
been pleased to bless the instrmnenlaliiy
of those who early sounded the alarm,
who have steadfastly advocated the cause
of the oppressed, who have warned their
countrymen of the encroachments of the
slaveocracy, who have expended their
properly and hazarded their lives in de-fence
of the rights of man, and the free-dom
inherited from our fathers. Had
they faltered, had they prayed less, had
they used less moral suasion, had they
acted inconsistently at the ballot box, the
nation and sympathizing Europe might
not have witnessed the Revolution now
in progress for the deliverance of our
country from galling servitude to the
slave aristocrats who have so long tram-pled
upon their countrymen in chains,and
been permitted for so many years to ad-minister
the affairs of this Government.
Among the instrumentalities used to
stay the progress and put an end to the
evils of slavery in this country, has been
the consistent exercise of the Elective
Franchise by the friends of Human lighls.
They have inculcated the duty of electing
good men to office, have rejected the un-christian
sentiment thai of two moral
evils we may choose Iho least, have in-culcated
that the prayers of good men
can be acceptable at the court of Heaven
only when they vote as they pray, that
duties are ours and results are God's, that
Christian electors arc, morally speaking,
aluays successful when they have truih,
righteousness and the Divine approbation
on their side, and ihut, sooner or later, it
will be seen that fixedness of principle,
and unwavering adherence lo right, result
in success and triumph. The power of
the ballot-box has lieen felt by venal poli-ticians,
and will be felt until, by th<>Divine
blessing, the filends of Equal Rights
arise in iheir majesty, stop the extension
of slavery, and by the exercise of moral
and political power put an end to the ac-cursed
system.
In pursuance of this conviction, the
representatives of tbe Liberty parly in tbe
Uniierl States, assembled at Buffalo in
October last, and with unusual unanimity
nominated Hon. JOHN P. HALE and Hon.
LIECESTER KING for the offices of Presi-
'dent and Vice President, fit representa-tives
of the great principles for which they
are contending, and well qualified to ad*
minister the government constitutionally,
and for the general welfare. The consis-tent
and manly conduct of Mr. Hule in
the Senate of the United Stales, since the
nomination, has shown his constituents |
that their confidence was well pl.iced.and |
has demonstrated that he is worthy to lie i
tbe standard bearer of the friends of Lib- j
erty throughout the Union. If those who j
nominated him will stand by their princi- |
plej, and the man of their choice,preserve
their unity, Enlarge their operations, re-fuse
to be diverted from the course they
have themselves marked out, refrain from
being submerged in other political parties,
continue to use the light they have and
seek for more ; if thi>y bear aloft tho Lib-erty
standard, and if instead of forming i
alliances with the disafTecletl of other par-ties,
who go no farther than to oppose
the extension of slavery, they beckon their
countrymen to higher and still hisber
principles and measures, we believe that
they will not only do more good as nieiu-hers
of the Liberty party, but exert in-creased
influence over those who have
embraced but a single anti-slavery princi-ple.
Non - extension is not abolition,
though iiKluiled in it; and it -jiill be time •
lo consider overtures of coalition from
fellow-citizens who have recently awa-kened
to see the jlisastrous policy of sla-very
extension when they shall have em-braced
the great anti-slavery principles we
avow, viz: The entire divorcement of the
National Government from slavery, the
repeal of all the laws of Congress for its
protection or continuance, the fulfilment
ofthe treaty of Ghent by which the U. '
Slates agreed with Great Britain to co-operate
to promote the entire abolition of
the traffic in slaves, the abolition of sla-
.very in tbe District of Columbia, and the
overthrow of slavery in this country by
pt^acelul and constitutional means. It
will be time enough fur the Liberty party
of the United Stales, who are not only
for imposing limits, but for taking mea.
sures for the destruction of slavery, to re-linquish
their nominees when a more nu- '
merous body of anti-slavery men shall en- '
rol themselves to restrain and annihilate
slavery, with standard bearers of equal
himesty and independence, and superior j
wisdom,-firmness and discretion. Till ;
then, we owe il to our able and chosen
candidates, and to our parly lo be united ;
neither to propoi^e nor listen to terms of
affiliation wiib any set cf men, however
patriotic or honest, who from policy or
other cause do not embrace the iniih on
the anti-slavery qiiesiion, or will not fear-lessly
act out their conviction, or who
content themselies with merely making
eflorts to stay the progress of an evil
wbich we have banded together, in con-junction
with the abolitionists of England
and France, and the whole world utterly
to destroy.
An appeal is made to the friends of
Liberty to unite with those who have re-cently
detached themselves from the two
political parties with which they have hith-erto
acte^ in elevating to the Presidency
some citizen who has gone no farther in
the great work of Anti-Slavery Reform
than to avow his resolution to oppose the
farther Extension of Slavery, and this ap-peal,
we regret to say, is endorsed by a
few individuals in the Liberty party who
used strenuous efforts to bring about the
nomination of Messrs Hale and King.
Permit us, therefore, in this exigency, to
entreat you to be steadfast and unmovea-ble,
to adhere to the wise policy you have
already marked out^ and the maintenance
of which has made you so influential.
Even many of those who censured you,
at the last Presidential election, for voting
for a third candidate, under the pretence
that the nominee of either the VVhig or
Democratic party would certainly be eh.'ct-ed,
a^d therefore your votes would be
thrown away, now commend your adhe-rence
to principle, by saying, "Because
others do wrong, it is no reason for us to
anticipate their crime." They also imi-tate
your past policy, forsake their old
organization, and form a d-siinct political
party. Thus they bear testimony to the
wisdom of yoiir former course while they
solicit you lo unite with them that your
votes may swell the number that will be
cast for the Wilmot Proviso candidate.
But while we approve their rising spirit
of independence, let us not listen to these
solicitations, let them proceed from what-ever
quarter they may. If you relinquish
the high position you have attained by so
much toil and sacrifice, yon will jeopard
the cause. Nay, if to accommodate those
who profess to aim only at tbe non-ex-tension
of Slavery, you postpone the great
work of Emancipation, and substitute a
new issue for the glorious one already
made, and which has been so successfully j
maintained, you will injure those who now j
seek your alliance. You have associated, '
to use the sentiments of the Address of ;
tbe Southern and Western Convention of |
1843, not as partisans, but for the purpose '
of subserving Truth and Right; to oppose
not merely the Extension of Slavery, bnt
to bring about, by all lawful and righteous
acts', its complete overthrow. Your as-sociation
is founded upon the great cardi-nal
principle of true Democracy and of
true Chrbtianity, the Brotherhood of the
Human Family; you have resolved on
waging war against slaveholding as the
direct form of Oppression, and then against
every other species of tyranny and in-justice
; you are aiming to carry out the
principles of Liberty in all its consequen-ces,
not a^ a mere Abolition party, but as
a p:»rty that aims at the extinction of
Slavery because slaveholding is inconsist-ent
with Christian and Republican prin-ciples—
aiming at it not as an'ultimate
end, but as an illustrious era in the ad-vancement
of Society to be wrought out
by its action and instrument:ility.
By asserting and maintaining these
high and uncompromising princii>les you
have, with God's blessing, made a deep
impression upon your countrymen, com-manded
the respect of Mankind, and in-duced
large numbers of. the considerate
and patriotic adherents to the other politi-cal
parties to pause, resolve on new as-sociations,
and take the first step in with-standing
the encroachments of the Slave-
Power. Be it your privilege to go for-ward
in the great work of political regen-eration.
to aim at a still higher standard,
and to les^ forward the Allies of Free-dom
until Liberty sha'l be proclaimed
throughout the hind to all the inhabitants
thereof. Do not, we beseech you, retreat
under the pretense that you can thus urge
on more effectually those who have just
commenced the march of Liberty. Th?s
is not the way to influence men nor to
preserve your own integrity. Sound
philosophy and political experience show
that those worthy to conquer must lead,
and that they who are feeling the first as-pirations
of Freedom will follow those who
bear the loftiest standard.
It is said, this is a "crisis"—a "special
case"—"unite this once" and the Liberty
Party hereafter can act as efficiently as
before. This is the stereotyped declara-tion
on tbe eve of every Presidential
Election. You have, with but few excep-tions,
refused to Ibten to it heretofore.
Refuse compliant, with it now. At eve-ry
election temp4|)bnS' will be presented
to postpone action on the great objects of
your association, to carry some collateral
issue, and thu§ friends or foes essay to
make you instrumental in achieving infe-rior
good at the expense of fundamental
principles. You ought not to enter into
compromises, barters, or substitutions.
Profit by experience. Never risk the
success of the cause by making an issue
on a minor point. Adherence to princi-ple
bas been your tower of strength, in-stead
of lowering j-our standard you have
elevated it. Thus you have infused cour-age
into your ranks, and gained the re-spect
of other parties. It is said by unit-ing
with the disaffected of the other |)olit-ical
parties, you may inspire them with
your sentiments, and induce them, if suc-cessful
now with your aid, to take hold of
the work of Emancipation. Numerically
you are the smallest portion, and would be
in danger of losing your identity as well
as your influence. It is only in moral
principle that you are no»'.-- snperior to
others. Beside, what will be your posi-tion
if the party with which you are invit-ed
to merge yourselves should be unsuc-cessful!?
Like that of S nmsou in the pris-son-
house.
We cannot believe that any vottr enti-tled
to the appellation of a friend to lib-erty—
we wish we could say we do not be-lieve
that any professing Christian—will,
under any consideration, vote for a belig-erent
demagogue and aristocrat, or be
carried away by popular excitement to aid
in elevating to the highest oflice in the
country, a warrior destitute of civil quali-fications,
and «bose reputation is derived
from his success as a practitioner in "the
science of human butchery," in a war
that bis own partizans have styled "un-constitutional,"
"unnecessary," "disgrace-ful"
and "1 arbarous." Neither is it lo be
imagined that a single individual who
prizes Liberty and abhors Slavery, who
loves peace and values our Christian in-stitutions,
will vote either for a Slavehold-er
or one who is the creature of slavehold-ers,
and who, for personal agrandisement
and the power to distribute the officcs and
treasure of the nation on political parti-zans,
would plunge his country into a
war with any nation with which a quaiTel
could be provoked. Should this be the
ca«e, however, and a man answering either
description be elevated to the Chief Mag-istracy,
a lesson hever to be forgotten will
have been given to the young men of this
cqnn'ry, teaching them that time-serving,
office-seeking and flattering demagogue-ism,
or successful fighting for territory and
Slavery, are the tests of merit, and the
qualifications for civil office in the estima-tion
ofthe People ofthe United States.
Neither can we believe that any Liber-ty
party man will cast his vote for a poli-tician
who has, when in power, pref'cred
his aid to the slaveocracy of the country
and the world, and who has not evinced
any desire that tbe record should be ex-punged.
Though ready to award due
praise to him who bas repeatedly and ably
advocated tbe doctrine of tbe non-exten-sion
of Slavery, we cannot believe that
while be rests there, and is "decidedly op-posed"
to any important prindples ofthe
Liberty party, you will be instrumentid
in elevating him agsun to the Presidential
chair.
But there are apprehensions that not a
few disaffected Whigs and Demojrats—
men who refuse to l »w the knee to party
dictation—men who have independence
and conscience—men who are opposed to
the extension of Slavery, to the elevation
of a warrior, a slaveholder or a dema-gogue—
men who profess to abhor slivery,
nay, who avow their belief in the truth of
Anti-Slavery doctrines, will, after all,
nominate and vote for some mere Wilmot
. Proviso man—this once—rather th:in meet
tbe crisis manfully, and unite with the
friends of Liberty in voting for one who
goes not only for the non-extension, but
for the non-existence of slavery on the
American continent. Will not siicii listen
to the voice of ex|)ostulation and entn-uty ?
A true-hearted friend and advoc He of Lib-erty
stands before you as the nominafeil
representative of the Anti-Slavery senti-ment
of the country. He has .shown that
he is honest, capabic and independent.
Why not then unite with the friends of
Liberty in giving him the entire Anti-
Slavery vote of the country ? lie might
be elected, but if not, the demonstration
made in fivor of "Liberty ~ Equiiliry—
Fniternity," would be an eleetrie ?hoek 'o
arouse the slumbering energies of" our
countrymen, and vibr.ite among the Lih-erty-
loving and Liberty-achieving people
of Europe. Is there a m m in your ranks
whose position at the present moment e:i-titles
him lo more general favor and con-fidence,
and who is moro ncceptable to the
Anti-Slavery electors of the country, than
JOHN P . HALE? We think not, ami are
fully persuaded that it is more reasonable
that we call upon you patriotically to vote
with us, than it is for you to invite our co-operation.
"Principles, not men," should
be the motto. It is time that the friends
of Liberty were united in one great con-federation,
not only to withstand and op-pose
the extension of American slavery,
but to deliver the nation from its blight
and curse. Anything short of this is be-low
the demands of the age and the hopes
of the world. Republican freemen in
Europe have set us a noble example. Let
us not lag behind, and thus dishearten
them in their eflorts to "form a more per-fect
union, establish justice, insure domes-tic
tranquility, provide for the common
defence, promote the general welfare, and
secure the blessings of liberty" to them-selves
and to Iheir posterity. Uniting, then,
with our friends and brethren throughout
the Union, in a hearty recommendation of
Mr. Hale, "we earnestly commend him to
all Whigs and Democrats who wish to vote
against slavery, as the man of the hour,
possessing in an eminent degree the puri-ty,
wisdom, firmness and ability which the
country now needs at the helm; one
whom they can honestly and consistently
vote for, and thus secure all the advan-tages
of unity, without a sacrifice of prin-ciple
from any."
Friends of the slave! The eyes of Eu-rope
are upon us. They call our country
the Model Republic. We are so with one
IL-reat exception. Let that stain be wiped
from our National escutcheon. It was said
by the departed Statesman, JOHN QCINCT
ADAMS, ' the preservation, propagation
aad perpetuation of Slavery has been the
vital a!:d animating spirit of the National
Goverpment." It might be so still, even
ifthe Wilmot Proviso be adopted and Or-egon
and the vast Mexican Territories
continue free from slavery. Let us aim
higher, and while we oppose the spread of
tlie leprosy, effect a cure of this most re-volting
and consuming disease upon the
body politic. "Let us not suffer a knot
of slaveholders forever to give law and
prescribe the policy of the country."
Rather " let virtuous men unite on the
ground of vnirersal moral principle, and
the tyranny of party will be crushed."
To this end be firm, united, progressive,
unflinching, and persevere in the course
marked out, "unangered and unanswered."
Continue to use moral suasion, cover the
Iind as with Autumnal leaves wilh Anti-
S'avery publications, and with the speech-es
of the champions of Freedom in Con-gress
; "preach, print and pray;" organ-ize
in school districts, in towns and villa-ges
; bold frequent meetings; go to other
political Bis^ngs to proselyte and not to
be proselOed^jthandon not an inch of
ground tl^KOj acquired, but make ag-gressive
movrmcnts. Invoke the aid of
the pulpit, the pr>-ss, the lyceum; above
a!l. invoke the God of tbe oppressed—tbe
God of our fathers—that he will make
this indeed a Model Republic, where all
men may rejoice in equal rights. Let
}our acts infuse new enthusiasm into
Liberty-loving men across the Atlantic,
until Europe, regenerated and disenthrall-ed,
shall echo the sublime language of
our Revolutionary patriots: "All men are
created equal, and are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable tigbts;
that among these are life, liberty and the
punuit of happiness."
In conclusMM), brethren and friends, lei
it be yoar solemn and nnalteraUe dt^er*
minatioa that while yon oppose no man
in any way ftiendlj to the Anti-Slavei^
cause, )-oo will not be instrumental in his
election to office, unless he adopt* ibe dis-wid
especially that yoo will not ^ ba^-
ward in the great AntS-Slavery Beforin,