Charter Oak, 1848-09-28 - Page 1
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PUBUBHEO h r WILLIAM H. BUBLEIGH. mo gr STAXB STSEET, XASXTOBD, OOmi. TERMS. Two 1)0LL&«S m Aimni—frBm wMA FIFTR CenU will be dadoeted if paid ia ad^BDoe. Two doUan to Citjr Siifaacriben, win mceiTa tka Mper bjr llie Carrier. SinfLE oopica, FODK CvKTa. No differenoe wi!! be paid upon F.ir-nangea. Daily •r Wetkij. No p>per draeontinueo all arreangn are paid, [i . at the oolion of tl« Publisher. . Letter* ane Coi. municationa must lie ad-krtvt^ to the Pulilisher, 0 7 Pot Pmid. j Cor.^sponilentii will be per nitted to ^|>eak their]; awB aeiu'iBentc (however videiy diflering fmm niirK)^! •paa tlieir own responailiility—nn tliese conditions,'! that they ouUape neillier clerencv, gooil Kiitliih, niw;! Itood taste, an>l give their niinirK to TIIF FUIIIISIHT. JJ This last wc require for our jwn satisfactioa—nnl jj ^M- the public. j! TERMS OK ADVERTISING. •OTBSTUEMBNTS will be ' iserted at lha follow- i Mfiatea: j Far one aquare, or 20 lines, three weeks, $1 00 " Continuance each insertion, - 'JO ** T n lines or half aquare, lliree weeiw, C3 Caatinuance eacn insertion. 10 * Oka aaoare a year, - 10 00 ** Oa aquare a year with privilege of cbaofing oooe in three weeka. 12 00 NEW SEMES. 'AN ANTI-SLAV FAMlLY NEWSPAPER. r m o u x A X . ^ pmineiPLss—pvmposxa. TFAA C H A S T U OAK, WMU MNM MMM WF AMW-iBf the CHABTU or a n RIAM froa A* gmp of Tyiaiaiy. It is a Free F^,—not thaicfcra • channel for all habbk—bat what it woold ttj, it wi I lay fiaely. 'It will stand im dafenaa of all ri^ howavar lowly and down-tnddeii, and throw icbaha into tha Uem of all wroa^ wnethar in pniple aid knaddoth, or in and sqoalor. Yat, thaagh it Miitea the sin, it will not hate the ainnar. It wiil BA chiefly deroted to the eauaa of I<IMBTT, aid Toeating independent political action against SISTO ly, but it will wear the collar of no Party. It will aim to make whole, not demolish GoTemment,—to wieat its sceptie fiom the hands of oppiaaaoia, not to braak it. It wonld not pat a fiie-orand to Chniek and State, to purify them,—bat spare tha '•phi while it loata the vetinin that an thiongia^ ^^ LiTKR&TirBB, of a hearty, manty aort, will havw w place here, with all that tenda toward hosMn el**b lion. We shall seek not to diwKcs the spirit of Pio> gress from the sense of Beauty—but father aim ta wail Refinement to Reform—not forgetting, howora^ to use the scourge when high-handed widtadnaaa ahall demand it. PMsing Erents and flzed Piind plea, the transient Naw8,and the etenal Laws, shal find a iccord in oar P ^ r ; and e»eiyllung whick lionest endesnror. good will and sons aipariann* ean do, will ha attempted, to maka it waleows to im frianda, a Uaaaing to HunnnilT. and lo BUMiliaa • oa of an honeat Imlihaed. HARTFORD, CONN., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1848. For the Charter Oak. R E F O R M S O N G. T H E CABS ARE COKING, CLEAH T H E TRACK. BT GEOBGE W. BUNGAY. Where hills kneel down, and valleys rise, And hoarse earth-thunder shakes the skies. And clouds of einoke and dust arise, There groans the bleeding sacrifice. Look out pedestrian and pack, The cars are coming, clear the track. Shake off at once the drowsy spell, Or you will fall where victims fell ; Who heeded not the warning bell, Nor pipe that screamed like wails from hell. Look out dull driver, with your back, The cars are coming, clear the track. Hark! hear ye not the rumbling wheels, And panting horse, whilst at his heels Along the wood, a village steals Ahead so fast, the gazer reels. Look out, slow man, with harnessed black, The cars are coining, clear tlie track. The train keeps on the narrow way, A cloud overshadows it by day; A fieiy pillar lights the way. When night puts on the light of day. Look out, brave soldier, at your back, The cars are coming, clear the track. Ye who can read my railroad theme. Who, when awake, asleep you seem, Do not lie down to doze and dream, For this is now an age of steam. Look out and run, ye lazy pack. The cars are coming, clear the track. The lion-hearted lead us here, And in the other hemisphere. Great Lamartine is engineer, O'er soil afld sea our course well steer. So look ont sharks, who bite poor Jack, The care are coming, clear the track. JusUthflK, vbeie smoke and fire uncurled, Out glorious banner is unfurled; Our track shall girdle all the world, And from our path, thrones shall be hurled. Look out ye kings, your crowns will crack, The cars ure coming, clear the track. Pedestrians who creep along. And drivers dull, who snap the thong. And drunkards too, with wine and song, Who leave the right and love the wrong. Look out and flee, but look not back, The cars are coming, clear the track. J O H N " Q U R N C Y A D A M S. [A labored attempt has been made by some of the unscrupulous Taylor presses at the North, to represent John Quincy Adaas as favorable to the election of Zachary Taylor ! —a representation as destitute of truth as it is of decency—and one which has been denied in the clearest and most^cmphatic manner by, tuiimpeachable authority. But this is not all —for it is well known to the more intimate friends of Hr. Adams, that he was consulted, but a few months previous to his death, upon the organization of a party, like, in principle and in purpose, the present Free Soil Party, in connection with such men as Mr. WUiiiot, Martin Van Buren, Preston, King, and others —and that, though declining any acUve agen-cy in its formation, on account of his infirmi-ties, he approved the project, and bade it God- 0p*ed. This was brought out in a speech by Charles Sumner, Eeq. before the Free Soil State Convention for Massachusetts, on the 7th inst,—a speech which we had the pleasure of listening to, and a phonographic report of which we are glad to find in a late number of the Boston Republican. It is not too long to transfer to our columnB,but we give the follow-i n g significant e x t r a c t :—ED. CHASTER OAK. SPEECH OF CHARLES SDJIMER. now, Mr. President, one word if j o u will pardon me. (Go on.) My friend who has preceded me has brought two names in what may seem to you, at first view, a novel conjunction: John Quincy Adams and Martin Van Buren. I propose to show to you still further evi-dence of that conjunction. I hold in my hand papers which have never before been p r e s e n t ^ to the public, but which will furnish some evidence of the position which .John Quincy Adams would have occupied at this moment, had his life been e p a r ^ to the cause of freedom. 1 had no purpose of introducing them on this occa-sion, but the remarks to which I have j u st listened, seemed to prepare the way for them, and you shall have them. A gentleman from New Hampshire, happening to be in Albany, Oct. 28th, 1847, interested very much in the Wihnot Proviso, and in the organization of a Northern party on that platform, from the city of Albany, addressed a letter to a friend in Boston, asking him if he would ascertain whether J O H N Q U I N C V ^ - AMS would U N I T E , with Mr. Wihnot, M A R T I N VAN BUREN,Preston King, • o d Mr. Cambreling, to organize such a party. It should be added, that it did not appear that he was authorized to use the names of these gentlemen, but made the k ^ q u i i y on his own responability. The letter making that application was received on Sunday morning. It closes by saying, «I should be pleased to hear by the re-may form, as it may be decisive in govern-ing the future action, upon the other hsmd, of t h e Wilmot Proviso Democrats." I have in my hands a copy of the leUer written by that gentleman, Dr. Bowditch, on Sunday evening, Oct- 31st, describing the interview he had with John Quincy Adams on that day. I "read to you the precise words, written at that time, and speeded by the mail that night, in order to inform the gentleman, then in Albany, of the position of Mr. Adams. '•Learning from Mr. C. F . Adams, that his father was to start for Washington to-morrow, I went to Quincy this P. M. I found the old gentleman quite feeble, and inclined to feel that his course was nearly run. He complained of great debility, that had been, of late, augmenting daily.— He spoke tcilh much interest 0/ the mofe-ment, and approves of it, but says that he cannot put his name to any call, as he feels that by so doing he would pledge him-self to labor for the cause more than he can possibly do. In fact, 1 have rarely seen him so debilitated. He has doubt wliether he shall ever reach Washington, and intimates that this will be his last ses-sion, and therefore that he cannot do as we wish. I felt it to be indelicate to urge upon the old man, worn out in the service of his country, any action that was not en-tirely in accordance with his feelings. Still I gain courage from the interview. He approves of our cause, and bids us God speed. Perhaps otliesr, when he arrives at Washington, may persadc him to do what I could not." Mark these words of encouragement— ' ' H e approves of our cause, and bids us God speed." It does not appear that he declined to be associated with M ^ i n V an Buren, or thought that he could not take a place on the same platform. I know, fellow citizens, where John Quincy Adams must have been if he had lived. Drawing his earliest breath with the first opposition to British t y r a n n y; passing into childhood with the Declara-tion of Independence ; taking his place in manhood with the Federal Constitution ; the great Contemporary of our history, he must have been with all the advocates I of freedom. i Fellow citizens, I am tempted to say, I seeing the spirit which animates your fa- I ces, that the work is almost done to-day ; j that the victoiy is already achieved ; but I will not say that, for I wish to stimulate you to renewed and constant exertions in the cause. In your own especial neigh-borhoods, do what you can to unite all our friends. As was said by that great Frenchman, Camot, " O i ^ n i z e victory." The sentiment of opposition to the Slave Power, to the extension of Slavery, and to its longer continuance under the Ck)nstitution wherever the Federal Gov-ernment is responsible for it, though re-cognized by individuals, and adopted also by a small and inflexible party, has now for the first time become the leading prin-ciple of a broad, formidable, and natio nal organization. It is indeed, as Mr. Web-ster has lately said, no new idea ; it is as old as the Declaration of Independence. But it is an idea now for the first time re-cognized by a great political party ; for if the old parties had been true to it, there would have been no occasion for our or-ganization. It is said our idea is section-al. How is. that ? Because the slave-holders live. at the South ? As well might we say that the tariff is sectional beaause the manufacturers live at the North. I t is said that we have but one idea. I deny t h a t ; but admitting that it is so, are we not with our one idea better than a par-ty with no ideas at all ? And what is our one idea ? It is the idea which carried Washington through the trials of a seven years' w a r ; which inspired Lafayette ; which touched with coals of fire, the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry.— Ours is an idea which is, at least, noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train, jusUce, humanity,_and all the charities of life, all that m ^ e s earth a home of improvement and happiness. "Her path, where'er the goddess roves, Glory pursues and generous shame. The unconquerable mind and freedom's holy flame." We found now a new party. Its cor-ner- stone is freedom. Its broad, all-sus-taining arches are Truth, Justice, and Humanity. (Cheers.) Like the ancient Roman capital, a t once a temple and a citadel, it shall be the fit shrine of the genius of American institutions. HON. COLUMBUS DELANO OF OHIO. The Boston Atlas has been stoutly as-serting, again and agiuji, that this gentle-maii, who is, next to Tom Corwin, per-haps, the best stump speaker in Ohio, has renounced the F r e e Soil party and come out for Taylor. This statement, Mr. De-lano has deemed it proper to meet with a prompt refutation. At a F r e e Soil meet-ing held in Knox county, Ohio, Aug. 25th, Mr. Delano attended and spoke. Here is an extract from the official account'of the meeting: Hon. C. Celano being called for, then took the stand and in an able speech again defined his position—which was that he was reserved not to support either Gen. Tayk>r or Gen. Cass, but if he vo-ted for either of the candidates, it would be Alartin Van Buren. He further ex- ! He thinks Congress bound absolutely to horted the people to keep up the Free prohibit the extension of slavery one inch Soil organization and push it forward i beyond its present liiitUs^ jvith e n e i ^ , as the onlj' means of keep-i n g the territories free. I The Cleveland True Democrat has, in I addition to the above, a letter from Blr. I Delano, dated Aug. 25 from which we ex- • tract the following: I I feel, that upon the preservation of the r F r e e Soil movement every thing depends, I and its success ought to be paramount to j all other considerations. If objections to Van Buren drive men ; back to Cass and Taylor, and thus break I down the cause of- Freedom, slavery will certainly be carried back into California : and New .Mexico, and the South having i triumphed, will involve us in a war for i more Southern territory, as soon as they can use another slice. I f we convince the South that all future acquired territory must be free, we shall ! have no more war of conquest begun by I the usurpations of the President, or by the declaration of Congress, for many years at least. If the Free Soil move-ment is now crushed, I fear that it cannot soon be revived. My feelings, therefore, are engaged in its success. I consider it the cause of truth and justice, and the cause which carrieo out its success, will most certainly secure the future happi-ness and prosperity of our country. W H A T T H E C A N D I D A T E S T H I NK OF F R E E SOIL. We have the very important testimony of the Providence Journal that, unlike all other candidates who have been or are, Gen. Taylor "means just what he says." But woe to the free soil Taylorites, if he means n o more than he says, for, he says nothing in favor of prohibiting the ex-tension of slavery. He only says nega-tively that he would not, if elected, veto j of his speech, took occasion to remind bills on certain subjects which are consti- 1 the Democrats that their candidate for re- Here you have it. Taylor practically, extends slavery, and is of course in favor of its extension, but is not, wordwise, quite so publicly pledged in its favor as he would be if he were not in the market for northern votes. The most thorough slave-extenders from Polk to Calhoun, are per-fectly satisfied to take his deeds, instead of words, which would defeat his election. Cass is a nonslavcholder, who would un-doubtedly, prefer free soil, and would pledge himself to favor it, if he were not in the market for southern votes. He has satisfactorily pledged himself to t h e slave-holders and of course has no honest pow-er left for the service of freedom. Van Buren has always opposed the ex-tension of slavery, and has stood a heavi-er fire in doing so than any other man. If the friends of free soil do not continue to stultify themselves, like a snake-charm-ed bird, he will certainly be elected.— Chronotype. THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA QUES-TION IN 1840. Looking over recently the debates in Congress in 1840, on the resolutions of William Cost Johnson, against the recep-tion of .4nti-Slavery petitions, in which the subject-matter of these petitions—the abolition of slavery in the District of Co-lumbia— was discussed more or less by most of the speakers, we have noted one or two facts which illustrate the position and views of even Northern Whigs at that period. With the exception of Ex-Governor Slade, (now a Free Soil man,) we find none of the speakers in favor of gratit. ing the prayer of these petitions. Biddle, of Pennsylvania, a leading and influential Whig member, in the course From the Rochester Daily Advertiser. T R U T H V I N D I C A T E D ! JMr. Van BurexCs Casting Vote on Incen-diary Publications explained, and the Calumny Refuted. Among all the bare-faced calumnies that party has resorted to, to malign Mr, . • .L . Van Buren, no one is characterised by a c'.ston.ary parliamentary practice that more shameless disregard to truth and 1 ^^^ ""S manly fairness, than the casting vote. Mr ^ ^hat they may have every chance to per- Van Buren is charged with having giving as Vice President, in the United States to a measure, he is to give a committee | from the friends of ihe Bill, and not put a child to a nurse that cares not for it. In I case o f a tie vote in any stages of a bill, 1 previous to its final passage, it is claimed * by the friends of that Bill as an act of > courtesy, us in accordance with strict and ; Senate, on the bill "authorizing the Post i Masters to search the mails and throw out pestilential and incendiary matter." ! All who recollect the state of Southern feeling on the subject of circulating, what feet their measures previous to its final tHal. N» final action was had upon the Bill at this time. Here the niatlerslept until the 20th day of April, when Mr. Grundy, of Ti-nnessep,"introduced a subititute for the whole Bill, which was not a o e d upon the slaves and their masters, in thI.e.. cS^o.,u.t1h. , Bl r iON l O I H E DLLIV L R \ Ol-cannot forget the high state of excitement that pervaded the entire South upon this subject, and the only part Mr. Van Buren took in the legislation growing out of the excitement. Our attention has just been called to a letter of the flon. SethM. Gates, a highly respected Whig, and at that time a mem-ber of Congress from Western New York, giving a history of the bill, and most tri-umphantly vindicating Mr. Van Bun n from the foul libel—from which letter are indebted for our extracts : MAILABLE MATTER PROHIBIT-ED BY T H E LAWS OF T H E S T A T ES W H E R E TIIKY W E R E TO BE DE-LIVEKEO, AND HAD NO PENAL-TY A T T A C H E D BY WAY OF FINE. Mr. Calhoun moved an amendment to tlie original hill which was lost, the Sen-ate being etjuaily divided. .Mr. Grundy's sub.'.liiuie was then adopted by the Senate trithoul a divinion. Thus liir all had liren done in Committee of the Whole. The jiubstiiute was now reported to the Seiia'e, when Mr. Calhoun again renew- "December 21, 1835, Mr. Calhoun i made a motion in the Senate that so much " « ^he amen.lments tutionally settled. But he does not by im-plication pledge himself not to veto a bill prohibiting the extension of slavery. His slaveholding neighbors a r e perfectly satis-fied that he would do so. What he thinks of free soil is to be known, not from what he says but from the plain-er language of what he does. He extends slavery as fast as he earns money, in fight-ing its wars, to buy more slaves. How the unscrupulous old slave holder must laugh in his sleeves at the silly news-papers in New England, which emblazon on their foreheads the motto—"Taylor and Fillmore. No Extension of Slave- They are going to give the more than regular patronage of the presidency, at a time when freemen are called to exert election. President Van Buren, had de-clared the • right of C o n f e s s to abolish slavery ia the District. Vanderpool, of New York, here rose and asked him, if Mr. Van Buren did not also state that he considered the exercise of the right so dangerous and inexpedient, that he should veto a bill for such a pur-pose. " Y e s , " returned Biddle, " a n d docs not every gentleman on this floor say the same thing?'' Judge Hunt, of New York, another leading Whig, made a labored and ingen-ious speech, dis.:laiming, on the part of himself and his Whig friends of the North, any sympathy with the Abolition petition-ers. We give an extract: He (Mr, H.) did not believe the every atom of the'ir combined power to | North had any right to interfere with the check the spread of chattelism, to a slave-holder who gives not the slightest pledge tliat he will not use it to extend that chat-telism to a territory two-thirds as large as the Union. And what is the plea for this monstrous absurdity—this jumping into the open jaws of the fascinating snake ? "O, if we don't do it, Cass will be elected!" Well, what does Cass think of free soil? He is a 'democrat' of course. He goes for the largest liberty and the freest soil, including the right to whip women and sell babies on it, j u s t as Taylor doubtless does. Cass did think the Wilmot provi-so as good th^t he was vexed with a cer-tain stupid 3Iassacbusetts senator for talk-ing so long as to deprive him of a chance to vote for it. He has undergone a change on this point to make him available at the South. He now pledges a veto against the Wilmot proviso, and holds that slave-r y should be left to the people, pioneers and squatters of the territories to decide upon. Congress cannot establish or pro-hibit it. Practically, his plan will extend slavery, though in theory it looks free and democratic. It is little better than the si-lence of Taylor. How the election of Cass, a northern man with southern principles can be worse than the election of a south-e m man with southern principles, and southern practices, it is difRcult to see. But this plea is absurd now, for there is in the field a candidate who will run both the others nearly if not quile off the track. What does HE think of free soil ? Alartin Van Buren battled ahly and faithfully for f r e e soil in Missouri. If his ; P®^""' councils and votes could have prevailed, oUl—travtiled South—and the return mail question of domestic slavery ; and he did not blame Maryland and Virginia, the States that ceded this District, braause they told the North they had no right to interfere. They bad done as he would have done." He concluded his speech with the fol-lowing emphating declaration : "As a representative in part of the Em-pire State and the North, be would never vote for the abolition of slavery in the District af Columbia, without the consent of those States." We recall these declarations at this time, simply to show that President Van B'viren's views on the subject of slaveiy in 1837 were endorsed by the leading Whigs of the North in 1840. While we design no excuse for the course of (he former twelve years ago, we think, if those only who were at that time without sin are to cast stones at him, he will fes-eape with few bruises.—Nat. Intel. TRICK! TRICK!! TRICK!!!—For w e e ks after the Philadelphia Convention, the Hon. William G. Bates made himself particularly bus/ among the recusant Whigs, in proclaiming the contents of a private letter from General Taylor in which the latter pledged himself not to veto the Wilmot Proviso. It was only a " c o p y " which Mr, Bates bad, ami that had been confided to him with such em-phatic injunctions of discretion, that when he brought it forth from his breeches pocket it was only as an urchin would show a barlow knife he had found, and for which he feared an owner would ap- News of the document leaked Missouri and Arkansas would have been free, and Florida would not have been ad-ded as a slave state. I n August 1837, when General Hunt, the envoy of Texas, proffered annexation, he, as president of the United States di-rected Mr. Forsyth to reply, that the pro-position involved a war with Mexico,with whom we are at peace, and could not be reserved even for consideration. It must be promptly and resolutely declined, even if T e i ^ ^ o u l d jthrow herself into the a r a i M l | j | t o Britain or France. I n ^ H p S r l b e n about to become a can-d i d a ^ l R ^ I e c t i o n , to the same office,he wrote distinctly, that he was opposed to annexation of more slave territory, and by taking this noble and manly stand lost the favor of the slaveholders, and though retidning the suffrages of a majori^uif! his p a r ^ , was sacrificed on the aliilBlli negro-dnving by the twothirds role.' ' brought the following from the Richmon4 Times: •'Gen. Taylor will veto the proviso— and if any one has a letter pretending to be from Gen. Taylor, saying that he will not, 'it is a forgery.'" . At which end of the staff the rogue isyi we pretend not to say.—Springfield tinel. The Natchez (Miss.) Coufter, Whig paper, published almotst in Gen. Taylor's neighborhood, says of the charge that he would sign a Wilipot Proviso bill: ''This MONSTROUS assertion—so entire, ly at war with Ihe character of the man, and the tenor of his whole life—could only have been made by political leadett when in the LAST STAGES of Dj^PfiRA-TION— when they saw that tverlastit^ poKtieal ROUT and R U I N uau approachin^I AMR U fast as the course of tim« wmild pennit." of the President's (Jackson's) message as relates to the transmission of incendiary publications by the United States Mails, be referred to a special Committee. The propriety of a reference to th« standing Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, or to a special Committee, was debated at considerable length, and seems to have been decided in favor of a special Committee, principally for the following reasons, assigned by Senator Davis, of Massachusetts, who was a member of the ^standing Committee, and who said :— "Looking at t h e motion rather as a matter of courtesy, than in any other light, he for one, would be glad to send it to a special Committee; because it was desired by the gentlemen of the South. He viewed this as a peculiarly southern interest, and was willing the gentlemen from that section of the country should present to the Senate their views—southern gentlemen certainly best know their own embarrassment in relation to this matter. It seems not on-ly courteous but parliamentary, that those who are most vitally interested, should first present us with their views." "Mr. Ewing also took the same view of the subject, and said Congress hud been called upon in all quarters by the public press to act upon the subject, and gentlemen from the South best knew how to satisfy public expectation. The motion was carried without a dissenting voice as appears by the records, and Mr. C a l h ^ n, Mr. Khigof Greorgia, Mr. Mangum, Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Linn, constituted the Committee. "On the 4th of February, 1836, about six weeks after the reference, that com* mittee made a very long report, drawn up Mr. Calhoun, and accompanied by a bill of five sections in length, prohibiting all Postmasters in the Union from receiv-ing and putting into the mail, any written or p r i n t ^ matter or pictorial representa-tion, touching the subject of slavery, ad-dressed to any person or office in any State, Territory or District, where their circulation was prohibited—and prohibit-ing the delivery o[ any such matter to any person, requiring the Postmaster General to dismiss from office any Postmaster that should violate the a c t ; making it an of-fence punishable by a heavy fine; requir-ing t h e papers to be burnt after a certain time, and also containing a variety of oth-* er regulations. "Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, rose and said that as he was a member of the com. mittee, he would .remark, that the views contained in the report did not entirely meet his approbation, though it contained many things which he approved of. Mr. King, of Georgia, and Mr. Linn, also sta-ted that they had assented to the report, but did not fully concur in all of it. Mr. Mangum assented and concurred fully in all respects, and on nis motion five thou-sand of the Report and Bill were printed." In April, 1886, the bill thus introduced was taken up and debated. In the course of this debate, Mr. Morris, an abolitionist from Ohio, and who was subsequently the Liberty party candidate for the Vice Pres-idency, stated in the debate substantially, that the parliamentary rule was to give the friends of the measure or bill every possible opportunity to amend, perfect and i remodel it, in all its stages,previous to its being put upon its final patsage, and he remarked: "Opposed myself both to the Bill and amendment, upon the broad principle that its passage would be an abuse of the le-gitimate power of Congress, its details are, to my mind, of but little importance, for I cannot possibly see any shape in which the principle contained, both in the amendment and in the Bill, could be presented to tny understanding, that would induce.me to vote, for i t ." In all cases, is this rule considered as obligatory upom iki presiding officer of a legubUivebody. Though kimaelfoi^m$ed made in c ommittee by striking out the original Bill and adopted Mr. Grundy's substitute, was also agreed to in the Sen-ate, and the question being now immedi-ately called for, on ihe engrossment of the bill as amended, for its third reading, the Senate was equally divided, and Mr. Van Buren, as President of the Senate voted in favor of the engrossment, and thus sent the bill down to its last trial—to the test vote in legislation, called its third reading or final passage. The third reading can-not be on the same day of the engross-ment, and here the matter rested until the Sth of June, when the bill was put upon its final passage ; was debated during the day, and rejected by a vote of nineteen in favor of, and twenty-five against it—sev-en Senators voting against the bill, on its fnal passage, who did not vote against its engrossment. " The head and front" of Mr. Van Biiren's ''offending, bad this extent and nothing more.'' He simply, iu compli-ance with a unifurm rule of parliamenta-ry courtesy, nave his casting vote on a tie vote in the Senate ordering the engross-ment of Mr. Grunday's sub^stitute for Mr. Calhoun's bill, thus enabling the friends and opponents of this substitute, who had no opportunity to debate it at all, to fully discuss it at length, on its third and final reading. This vote did not pledge Mr. Van Bu-ren, in the slightest degree, to the princi-ple of the bill, or to vote for it on its final passage. There is not a man acquainted with parliamentary custom, who does not know that his casting vote should have been given as it was given, under the cir-cumstances of the case, even if he had been opposed to the bill. Yet a vote sanctioned by immemorable parliamentary usage, and expressive of no opinion on its merits, and which no hon-orable presiding officer w o ^ d have felt authorized to witbhold,has been made the basis of a false and reckles.i charge—of giving his casting vote for the bill. Pitiable indeed must be the condition of a party thai has no weapons, but false-hood, detraction, and misrepresentaticn to sustain its cause. The following is the conclusion of Mr. G a t e s ' l e f e c :— " Even Gen. Cass acknowledges that there have been great changlk going on in the public mind, and I fancy it will ap-pear in the sequel that most of (he changes have been less like Lucifer's than his. I have opposed Mr. Van Buren nearly all my life, but as I regard the question of no^n-extension of Slavery—^-Free Soil— the all-engrossing subject of the present campaign ; as I find )>oth the other candi-dates beyond the possibility of a doubt un-yieldingly opposed to free temtory ; and as Mr. Van Buren has always been right and consistent in regard to annexation and the non-extension of Slavery ; as the slave-holders and all their northern apologists and confederates of the old parties, have arrayed themselves violently against him, thus giving me the best kind of evidence that his position is now good, and his tendencies in the right direction; I in-tend most cheerfully to give him my sup-p o r t a n d vote. SBTH M. GATES. CoNsciENce.—The following passage is from a letter of John Quincy Adams, addressed to Hon. J . G. Palfrey, and dated Nov. 4th, 1846. The italics and capitals are Mr. Adams' own : ' T h e Slave Power and the Puritan spirit are coming to close quarters. The Slave Power sneers at Conscience, as in days of yore our pilgrim forefathers were called puritans in derision. Let us not be ashamed of the name of COKSCIENCE Whigs, but inscribe it on our banners, and deserve it, if need be, with martyr-dom in the cause of human liberty. What say the sons of the Pilgrims? Will they answer Consciatee with a sneerf' VOL. III. NO. 39. A DIALOGUE—MORE OF GEN. T A Y L O R : I n a recent speech in Washington by Bowden, of Alabama, the speaker report-ed a conversation with ex-GovemorGayle of (he same State, a whig representative in Congress. The Herald correspondent furnishes the account, which is not contra-dicted. Mr. Bowden—Well, Governor, you go in for Gen. Taylor. The G o v e r n o r - O h ! yes. If we elect him we can take our niggers everywhere —all over New Mexico and California. Mr. Bowden—How do yon know that General Taylor is in favor of permitting the extension of vSIavery ? The Governor—Why, he owns three hundred niggers himself. Mr. Bowden—But, sir, the Northern whigs think that Gen. Taylor is in favor of the restriction of slavery. The Q^-emor—Very well. Mr. Bowden—If Gen. Taylor sanctions the extension of slavery, the Northern whigs will be cheated. The Governor—They deserve it any how, for their past sins. [Laughter.] Mr. Bowden—Would it not be well to get Gen. Taylt>r to say what he is in favor of with regitrd to the question ? If he is in favor of slavery extension let the North know it. The Governor—That would never do ; there are Webster, Davis, Ashmun, Cor-win, and others, who possess a great deal of Influence in the North, and it would never do- Mr. Bowden—Governor, you and I dif-fer. I think it is better to know the sen-timents of a candidate, so that neither the South or the North may be deceived and cheated. The Governor—Taylor will take care of the South ; the North ought to be pim-ished for former transgressions. [Ha! h a ! h a ! — a — a , h a ! h a ! "Gogd!" ''At him again!" GEN. TAYLOR'S QUALIFICATIONS. Tflie Trenton Daily News thus sums up Gen. Taylor's qualifications for the Pres-idency : He has no qualifications strictly civil^ He" never voted. ~ He never held a civil office. : ' He never made or helped to mabf a law. He never negotiated a treaty. He confesses his inability to decide constitutional questions. He has never made the law of nations his study. His rules of derived from his slave gllMnm^ or from the army. If in these can be found qualifications for the ruler of twenty-one millions of freemen, and the most powerfufoation ia the world, then has human nature chan-ged. Washington, Adams, Jefierson, Madison, Monroe, the younger Adams, Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, Tyler, and Polk were all civilians. It is true, three of them united the|H^th tha requi-sites of good soldiers j ^ H U e generals; but it was not their which fitted them f o r l i P H IW Presi-dent, any more than the Bravery of every soldier at Buena VisU fitted him to be a good doctor. T H E GAME EXPOSED. A few days ago,'the Editor of the Free Press, in the course of an animated dispute with a Free Soil man, stated publicly that he had been informed by the Hon. George P. Marsh, that the famous "Allison Let-ter" of Gen. Taylor was written inWash-ington by John J. Crittenden, then Sena-tor from Kentucky, and sent on to the Gen-eral! Here we have it shown up to our hands. The "Allison Letter" has been pointed to as a plain, straight-forward exposition or an old soldier's views on Government, emanating from himself, and therefore to be relied on. Now it appears this letter was concocted by the wire-workers at the seat of Government as a creed which would excuse the whigs from abandoning their Statesman and their principles, and going for Taylor. And in this view what a base and contemptible plot is disclosed in the letter! Viewed as a voIuntar][ emanation from Gen. Taylor, it might be tolerable, because he does not pretend to be a believer in party creeds and might be supposed to make up his opinions with-out reference to them. But when we look at the letter as the product of crafty and designing politicians at Washington, written doubtless after much consultation among the Sachems, how pitiful and base does it appear. We find Mr. Crittenden and his compeers of the whig party, delib-erately surrendering its distinctive doc. trines, and selling out to a no.party, ''availability" candidate in exchange for his promise to let the will cf the people as expressed by Congress, govern in relation to certain questions of policy. Not a word of regard for any whig measure is required, nor will it be a breach of amg pledge yet made by Gen. Taylor, to exert the whole power and patronage of the gov-enment to defeat a^ whig meantre that may bepropoaed. "fhe creed sent on to him as a condition of his nom natwn con> tains nothing that binds him to forbear from such action. mr
|Title||Charter Oak, 1848-09-28|
|Uniform Title||Charter oak (Hartford, Conn. : 1846)|
|Subject||Slavery -- United States -- Newspapers; Antislavery movements -- United States -- Newspapers; Hartford (Conn.) -- Newspapers|
|Description||Frequency: Weekly; Publication dates: New ser., vol. 1, no. 1 (Jan. 8, 1846)-v. 3, no. 52 (Dec. 28, 1848)|
|Collection||Newspapers of Connecticut|
|Source - Location||Connecticut State Library microfilm, AN104.H3 C63|
|Relation||Continues: Christian freeman (Hartford, Conn.) (DLC)sn 84025778 (OCoLC)10657256; Continues: Republican (Hartford, Conn.) (DLC)sn 84025785 (OCoLC)10703015|
|Relation-Is Part Of||Series title: Anti-Slavery newspapers|
|Publisher||Hartford [Conn.] : William H. Burleigh,|
|Rights||Digital Image © Connecticut State Library. All rights reserved. Images may be used for personal research or non-profit educational uses without prior permission. For permission to publish or exhibit, see Reproduction and Publication of State Library Collections, http://ctstatelibrary.org/reproduction-publication/|
|CONTENTdm file name||18055.cpd|
|Title||Charter Oak, 1848-09-28 - Page 1|
PUBUBHEO h r
WILLIAM H. BUBLEIGH.
mo gr STAXB STSEET, XASXTOBD, OOmi.
Two 1)0LL&«S m Aimni—frBm wMA FIFTR
CenU will be dadoeted if paid ia ad^BDoe.
Two doUan to Citjr Siifaacriben, win mceiTa tka
Mper bjr llie Carrier.
SinfLE oopica, FODK CvKTa.
No differenoe wi!! be paid upon F.ir-nangea. Daily
No p>per draeontinueo all arreangn are paid, [i
. at the oolion of tl« Publisher.
. Letter* ane Coi. municationa must lie ad-krtvt^
to the Pulilisher, 0 7 Pot Pmid. j
Cor.^sponilentii will be per nitted to ^|>eak their];
awB aeiu'iBentc (however videiy diflering fmm niirK)^!
•paa tlieir own responailiility—nn tliese conditions,'!
that they ouUape neillier clerencv, gooil Kiitliih, niw;!
Itood taste, an>l give their niinirK to TIIF FUIIIISIHT. JJ
This last wc require for our jwn satisfactioa—nnl jj
^M- the public. j!
TERMS OK ADVERTISING.
•OTBSTUEMBNTS will be ' iserted at lha follow- i
Far one aquare, or 20 lines, three weeks, $1 00
" Continuance each insertion, - 'JO
** T n lines or half aquare, lliree weeiw, C3
Caatinuance eacn insertion. 10
* Oka aaoare a year, - 10 00
** Oa aquare a year with privilege of
cbaofing oooe in three weeka. 12 00
'AN ANTI-SLAV FAMlLY NEWSPAPER.
r m o u x A X . ^ pmineiPLss—pvmposxa.
TFAA C H A S T U OAK, WMU MNM MMM WF AMW-iBf
the CHABTU or a n RIAM froa A* gmp
of Tyiaiaiy. It is a Free F^,—not thaicfcra •
channel for all habbk—bat what it woold ttj, it
wi I lay fiaely. 'It will stand im dafenaa of all ri^
howavar lowly and down-tnddeii, and throw icbaha
into tha Uem of all wroa^ wnethar in pniple aid
knaddoth, or in and sqoalor. Yat, thaagh it
Miitea the sin, it will not hate the ainnar. It wiil
BA chiefly deroted to the eauaa of I
|CONTENTdm file name||18051.pdfpage|